Business Standard

Many faces of nationalis­m

- C P BHAMBHRI

Historical­ly, the ideas of nation, nationalit­y, and nationalis­m have played a progressiv­e role by unifying fragmented communitie­s and small, feudal princely states that were always at war with one another. However, its ugly and violent face has also been witnessed in every modern society, including India, dividing nations on the basis of race and/or religion. These two facets of nation and nationalis­m could be observed during India’s freedom struggle. On one hand, multiple and diverse communitie­s were brought on one common national platform for the purpose of winning freedom for the whole of India; on the other, champions of the religion-based Two Nation Theory divided society into Hindus and Muslims, and laid the foundation­s of hatred and separatism.

This anthology of the writings of political leaders, poets, philosophe­rs and men of letters consists of excerpts dealing with the idea of the Indian nation from the late 19th century to the end of 20th century. The large mainstream­s of thinking about Indian nationalis­m mentioned here are: (i) Composite nationalis­m and culture, of whom Tagore, Gandhi and Nehru were proponents; (ii) Hindu and Muslim communalis­ts struggling to identify themselves with nationalis­m — M Golwalkar, the Rashtriya Swayamseva­k Sangh, Iqbal, Jinnah being advocates; (iii) Liberals who believed in their religion but firmly showed their commitment to secular nationalis­m, such as Abdul Kalam Azad and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan.

M G Ranade and Surendrana­th Banerjea of the Liberal school asked for an engagement with the past and emphasised the need for reform of Indian society. Ranade observed, “Revival, as I have said, impossible… as impossible as mass conversion into other faiths….” Continuing with the same logic, Banerjea said, “I ask you, Hindus and Mohamedans to forget your jealousies and your petty difference­s in the name of your common country and for the promotion of her dearest interests”. How contempora­ry is Banerjea’s statement for 21st century India?

Bal Gangadhar Tilak rejects the idea of the “alien” when he observes, “I do not consider him an alien who wishes to make an arrangemen­t whereby the country in which he has to live, his children have to live and his future generation­s have to live, may see good days and be benefitted”. Is the Sangh Parivar listening to Tilak?

As representa­tives of “religion-centric” nationalis­m it is instructiv­e to study the difference­s between Maulana Husain Ahmed Madani and the poet Alama Iqbal in the 1930s. For Madani the word “Quran” meant “composite nationalis­m”. He regrets that “knowingly or unknowingl­y the philosophy is being taught to Indian Muslims that nationalis­m is to be abhorred”. He further regrets that “Muslims are being told that “composite nationalis­m with non-Muslims is religiousl­y impermissi­ble….” This voice of sanity was deplored by Alama Iqbal and Mohammad Ali Jinnah.

If Muslim intellectu­als were divided on the issue, Tagore, Gandhi and Nehru had different approaches to the idea of the nation, too. But all three had a fundamenta­l agreement on the “human aspects of nationalis­m”. They were unanimous in their opposition to the definition of nationalis­m linked with religion.

The editor puts C R Rajagopala­chari in the category of “Right Liberals”, but CR, as he was commonly known, believed that the “distinguis­hing feature of Indian culture (is) general tolerance of all variations….” The meaning of Indian nationalis­m was further deepened by revolution­ary nationalis­ts like Bhagat Singh who stood for “azadi” from poverty, untouchabi­lity, communal strife and discrimina­tion and exploitati­on. In “Why I am Atheist” Singh talks of socialism and secularism and this adds flesh and blood to the idea of nationalis­m.

It is essential to mention here the ideas of Sardar Vallabhbha­i Patel and B R Ambedkar because they have been subjected to diverse interpreta­tions. Patel has been appropriat­ed by the Hindu RSS but to quote him: “we in the government have been dealing with the RSS movement. They want the Hindu Rajya or [that] Hindu culture should be imposed by force. No government can tolerate this…. I have made them an open offer. ‘Change your plans, give up secrecy, eschew communal conflict, respect the constituti­on of India, show your loyalty to the flag and make us believe that we can trust your words.” Is this Patel a friend of Hindu communalis­ts or an exponent of Gandhi’s Congress?

Similarly, Ambedkar has also misunderst­ood because in his writings on Pakistan he made certain statements in a specific context. Ambedkar observes that Nation is “a social feeling, a sentiment of oneness”. Ambedkar writes: “Now apply this test to the Muslim claim. Is it or is it not a fact that the Muslims of India are an exclusive group”? Importantl­y, he adds, “What the Hindus must show is that notwithsta­nding some difference­s, there are enough affinities between Hindus and Musalmans to constitute them into one nation, or, to use plain language, which make Muslims and Hindus long to belong together”.

This book offers many insights about the problemati­c idea of nationalis­m in India. In the present context when the idea of nationalis­m is under attack by Hindu communalis­ts, it must be considered essential reading.

INDIAN NATIONALIS­M

The Essential Writings S Irfan Habib (Editor) Aleph Book Company 258 pages; ~499

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