Business Standard

Mangaluru to see stiff contest

- ADITI PHADNIS

Of all the regions in Karnataka, the most interestin­g possibly is its coastal region, dominated by Mangalore, or Mangaluru as it is now called. The region’s socio-economic developmen­t and politics is an outcome of telescoped rapid change.

Mangalore is a city of the beautiful and rich – both Aishwarya Rai and Suniel Shetty belong to this city – home to many educationa­l institutio­ns, and a burgeoning middle class. But the very poor – bidi rollers, fishermen, weavers and wage labourers and backward communitie­s – also live here.

A change in social and economic equations began in the 1970s, with land reforms creating space for backward castes to claim new identities, largely during the regime of Devaraj Urs, considered a legendary leader in the state.

For example, Billavas, a community of toddy tappers was able to move into other occupation­s and claim an identity for traders, businessme­n, politician­s, hoteliers, importexpo­rt businessme­n.

At the other end of the spectrum, the Jains of Karnataka who were given huge tracts of land during medieval times in return for loyalty to feudal dynastic rulers, lost the greater part of their holdings. Naturally, this led to a massive upheaval in the region. In the past – loosely – the backward and poor used to constitute the support base of the Congress, while the BJP voters were the upper castes, the Bunts (small feudatorie­s with large landed interests) and Saraswat Brahmins.

But, because of social and economic mobility, these lines have blurred over the years.

Today, almost all cooperativ­es in the coastal belt – arecanut, coconut, land developmen­t bank, or district cooperativ­e banks – have been taken over by Hindutva elements. Since 1994, the Dakshina Kannada, Udupi, Chikmagalu­r and Uttara Kannada districts, comprising the state’s coastal region, have contribute­d to a big complement of BJP MLAs.

In 2004, the BJP won 14 of the 24 seats in these districts (out of a total of 224 in the state legislatur­e), while the Congress managed to win just five. The Congress won 14 and the BJP five in the 2013 Assembly election. However, the BJP won all three parliament­ary constituen­cies of the four districts in 2014. The economic muscle in the region is generally sympatheti­c to the BJP.

But the region has also seen the rise and economic empowermen­t of the Muslims – mainly as a result of Gulf jobs. Muslim control of the textile business, hotels, canning and timber has fuelled the fear that the economy and locality might be in danger of being taken over by them.

This is especially true of the lower-caste Muslims who used to be engaged in bidi-rolling and petty trading but have since come to acquire interests in such businesses as timber, granite, hospitals, textiles, import-export, fisheries, etc.

Naturally, there is a clash between colliding interests. The RSS has grown in clout, presence and organisati­on as a result.

“There is a chief commander for Mangalore who is above the collector, the superinten­dent of police or anybody — Dr Kalladka.

The control of the whole district is with Prabhakar Bhat Kalladka. I am telling you the truth about what is happening in my district,” Congress MLA, Vasanth Bangera, was quoted as saying by local newspapers a few months ago, about the best known local RSS leader.

“Why is it that the police cannot control groups like the Bajrang Dal, the Sri Rama Sene or the Hindu Jagaran Vedike? All these groups get their strength from Prabhakar Bhat Kalladka. I came to politics 40 years ago and I have never seen a chief controller like this.”

In Karnataka Assembly election 2018, most of the sitting Congress MLAs have been renominate­d. But in the BJP, there is a degree of heartburn.

However, activists are confident – the coast will reject the politics of minority appeasemen­t and will vote for the BJP.

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