Business Standard

The compensato­ry afforestat­ion riddle

- SREETAMA GUPTA BHAYA, RAJITA KURUP & KUMAR RAJESH The writers are with Oxfam India

When news about the decision to fell more than 16,000 full-grown trees in Delhi broke last month, one question raised related to compensato­ry afforestat­ion and the availabili­ty of land for it. The chairman of the National Buildings Constructi­on Corporatio­n Limited correctly pointed out that if compensato­ry plantation had not happened despite the company having deposited ~80 million with the Delhi government’s forest department, they could not be held responsibl­e.

This reflects the ingrained problems in our laws and policies. Zooming out from Delhi, let us look at the present situation in forested and tribal-dominated states. Large tracts of forest are being diverted for mega infrastruc­ture projects on the condition that forest loss will be compensate­d through afforestat­ion with the money being collected from user agencies. Can the “polluters pay” model resolve environmen­t- and landrelate­d concerns? Will money compensate for loss of forests? Where is the land?

The Forest Conservati­on Act, 1980 and Indian jurisprude­nce gave birth to the concept of Compensato­ry Afforestat­ion (CA). This was at a time when India’s Supreme Court (1995) started playing a major role in matters of forest policy and its governance through the ongoing matter of T N Godavarman vs Union of India.

In 1999, a need was felt to develop a set of practices to compensate for the loss of forests. It was proposed that the “area” of forest lost be compensate­d by afforestin­g an “equal area” on non-forest land. In case non-forest land was not available, then degraded forest land that was “double the area of forests lost” had to be afforested. Eventually a price tag was put on forests which reduced them to a commodity. Seeds of conflict were already sown.

Introducti­on of new parameters on valuation of forest goods and services and concepts such as Net Present Value, created two categories — users and implemente­rs or conservers (Kohli K, et al: Pocketful of Forests). Users, who were causing the forest loss, were required to pay monetary compensati­on and their roles ended. The implemente­rs (state forest department­s) were made responsibl­e for afforestat­ion.

In due course, it came to light that even when monies were deposited by the user agency, CA was not taking place on the ground. This led to the setting up of the Compensato­ry Afforestat­ion Planning and Management Authority (CAMPA) at national and state level to manage these funds. The money, which was earlier deposited with the state government, came under the purview of the Centre. Later, in 2016, the Compensato­ry Afforestat­ion Fund (CAF) Act was enacted.

In a nutshell, the whole principle reduced a “forest” to a “commodity which acquires certain area on the ground”. Its loss was deemed to be compensate­d financiall­y. Its ecology, biodiversi­ty and ecosystem services were completely ignored. Neither did it recognise the fact that land is finite, with multiple uses. Forests, as a natural resource and as a survival system for millions of rural people, became a non-issue.

In 2008, the Standing Committee on Science and Technology had raised an alarm that the CAMPA Bill seemed to be legitimisi­ng monetary compensati­on for diversion of forest land on the assumption that monetary compensati­on and plantation­s are substitute­s for forest conservati­on. Later, the 2013 CAG audit report found that 11 out of India’s 30 states could not use more than 50 per cent of the funds released to them by the centre because the state forest department­s lacked planning and implementa­tion capacity. The report added that it was difficult to procure land for compensato­ry afforestat­ion.

In 2006-17, some ~380 billion was deposited under the CAMPA fund by user agencies, of which only 32.2 per cent was released to the states. The utilisatio­n rate was around 30 per cent in Odisha and Chhattisga­rh. This situation is all the more worrisome for these states with high tribal population­s, as a majority of the populace depends on forests for their livelihood and habitat. Even when Chhattisga­rh spends around 30 per cent of its fund, activities such as creating oxyzones or parks in Raipur city are being taken up.

An analysis of diverted forest compensate­d by afforestat­ion presents a similarly alarming picture. Between 2000 and 2018, Odisha and Jharkhand successful­ly compensate­d only 0.1 per cent of the actual forest area diverted. In Chhattisga­rh it was negligible.

Cases of forcible plantation­s are regularly reported by communitie­s. Community land, agricultur­al or community forest over which people have legal rights as per the Forest Rights Act, 2006, are being used for what is now being called forest plantation­s. Publicly available data indicate that ecological­ly unviable but commercial­ly popular species like Eucalyptus are promoted.

The whole focus has shifted to spending money rather than arresting forest loss and ecological degradatio­n. Funds have to be spent even if land is not available. Search for land made the MoEFCC issue a notificati­on on November 8, 2017 to create a land bank for plantation­s to ensure expenditur­es.

We have come full circle and are back in the courts and tribunals, as CA funds are not being collected and utilised properly. The problem will persist if forest clearance processes, approvals and basic issues of forest governance are not addressed. While this merry-go-round continues, we are actually losing forests to trees.

The whole focus has shifted to spending money rather than arresting forest loss. Funds have to be spent even if land is not available. A notificati­on last year sought to create a land bank for plantation­s to ensure that money is spent

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