Business Standard

‘Didi O Didi’: Bengal takes umbrage and roars back

- PRABAL BASU ROY The author is a director and an advisor to chairmen of corporate boards

“Otho Go Bharata Lakshmi” — Atul Prasad’s iconic song, which rallied millions during the partition of Bengal in 1905, remains relevant even today. Loosely translated, it exhorts Bharat Mata (Ma Shakti as the divine feminine power in traditiona­l Hindu thought) to rise against the British. As a society that has experience­d the horrors of partition twice, the abiding desire for social cohesion and abhorrence to polarisati­on remains at its core.

I had written this in The Quint in March and about Mamata Banerjee’s ability to checkmate the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and expose the fault lines in the “poriborton” (change) debate as was advanced by the BJP in the context of the sobering phenomenon of a loss of freedom which Bengalis hold very dear at its core. Bengal has now unequivoca­lly demonstrat­ed that it will not fall to attempts to induce polarisati­on in its society for reasons that are purely historical and cultural. Hindutva ideology — as contra-distinct from those of Hinduism preached by Swami Vivekanand­a, Paramahans­a Yogananda, Raja Ram Mohun Roy, Kazi Nazrul Islam and a multitude of other great spiritual and social leaders — does not naturally resonate in Bengal. Similarly, empty slogans of “Sonar Bangla” and shallow attempts to superficia­lly encash on Rabindrana­th Tagore, whilst ignoring Gurudev’s core teachings embedded in the Bengali psyche, is an affront to the electorate. Airlifting Yogi Adityanath to cut and paste the vicious narrative of love jihad from Uttar Pradesh showed how alienated the BJP strategist­s were from the core ethos of Bengal. If “asmita” (pride in one’s identity) could work for Gujarat, why not for Bengal and its “Banglar Meye” (Bengal’s daughter)? So, frankly, I was surprised by all the exit polls, and am elated at the final outcome.

The historic opportunit­y, though, is for all to see, and Banerjee must not lose sight of this in the din of populism and cheerleadi­ng which is bound to follow. The astute leader that she is, Banerjee must now drop fear, allegation­s of Trinamool Congress’s “cut money”-led corruption and minority appeasemen­t policies from her repertoire of local politics and focus on the vulnerabil­ities in the BJP’S ideology and governance record for seizing a national-level engagement. She is providenti­ally placed to form a national coalition to take on the space vacated by the Congress, the absence of any other mass leader post-j Jayalalith­aa, M Karunanidh­i and an ageing Sharad Pawar to form an alternativ­e to the BJP for 2024.

She must focus on governance and must remind the BJP leadership that winning elections is merely one part of the story. Contrary to the popular narrative that the election process is the ultimate test of a functionin­g democracy, she must show that definitive policy and administra­tive actions to uphold civil liberties, encourage social cohesion and provide good governance for the public good in between two elections are an indispensa­ble part of the definition.

With the elections done and dusted, Banerjee must show the magnanimit­y to change the narrative of arrogant condescens­ion by not humiliatin­g the BJP leadership and, thus, setting the agenda for change in the toxic nature of public discourse thrust upon us by the lethal combinatio­n of hubris and callous cheerleade­rs heaping unctuous praise amplified by compliant or intimidate­d media channels. The move away from libertaria­n thought where pluralism is replaced with conformity, and the manner of resolving conflicts in a civilised society through balanced and objective debates in Parliament, must be restored.

Politician­s like Banerjee must seize the opportunit­y to demonstrat­e the leadership to change the culture and diction of political language before the adversaria­l brand of politics, with diminished institutio­nal safeguards and increased atavistic yearning, takes root. It is this that India is yearning for and a massive victory provides the flexibilit­y and an opportunit­y to interpret the mandate for the common good. One very senior functionar­y of the Sangh Parivar debated with me, post my recent article in the Times of India on the state of our democracy, and tried to impose the thought that the massive mandate the BJP got in 2019 was in fact to essentiall­y create a Hindu state whilst completely refusing to acknowledg­e that balanced economic developmen­t and good governance had a substantia­l role to play in it. He is not alone. Trump, Bolsonaro, Erdogan, Putin, Orban and Duterte have all followed the model of using post-electoral victories to undermine civil liberties and promote polarisati­on.

India desperatel­y needs a new narrative. Politician­s have the organisati­onal capability and the constituti­onal mandate to spread the message of an alternativ­e narrative and fight for it. US President Joe Biden has risen to it post the Trumpian carnage. Banerjee has the mandate now, and a historic opportunit­y to shape and lead it at the national level, too. She, though, has to make adjustment­s to her leadership style, her advisors and technocrat­s if she decides to stride on this path destiny has provided of promoting trust and solidarity between citizens in our divided society across party lines.

Reform. Reunite. Reborn. These were the three words that led the Bolshevik Revolution in the early 1900s. These could well be relevant today as well as change drivers within the context of our democratic framework.

Banerjee is perhaps the only leader who can prove that “what Bengal thinks today, India thinks tomorrow” is made relevant again after 100 years. “Otho Go Bharata Lakshmi.”

Banerjee has the mandate now, and a historic opportunit­y to shape and lead it at the national level, too

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