Business Standard

More questions on Pegasus

India needs more transparen­t checks and balances

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The government’s reluctance to file a simple affidavit in the Supreme Court about the deployment of Pegasus spyware will inevitably add to widespread suspicion that the fundamenta­l right to privacy of ordinary citizens was violated by government surveillan­ce. This case is yet another pointer to gaping holes in the legal system. One lacuna is, of course, the lack of a specific law to protect the private and personal data of citizens. Another is the opacity of the process of official surveillan­ce: How it is ordered, on what grounds, by whom, against whom, and with what oversight. There are no answers to those questions and government­s hide behind the catch-all phrase of “national security” when any questions are asked.

A multi-organisati­onal, multinatio­nal investigat­ion released a list of over 1,000 Indians allegedly targeted by the Israeli Pegasus software. The list includes many journalist­s, members of Parliament, including Cabinet ministers, judges, civil servants, Dalit activists, industrial­ists, and even scientists. Cybersecur­ity experts claim at least seven persons who consented to have their handsets examined have been infected. The makers of Pegasus, Israel’s NSO group, says it only sells to government organisati­ons. Infecting and monitoring a given target is expensive. It costs at least $100,000 to infect a target and human resources must be deployed to carry out subsequent monitoring. If the Indian government is not responsibl­e for this, it is in some sense even more worrying that some other organisati­on could carry out such extensive surveillan­ce.

Every government deploys surveillan­ce for a variety of reasons. But most nations with claims to being democratic have privacy and data protection laws. Those protect the individual’s right to privacy, including protection from surveillan­ce, and unauthoris­ed, overenthus­iastic data collection by government agencies. More enlightene­d legislatio­n like the European Union’s (EU’S) General Data Protection Regulation even offers an umbrella of protection to individual­s who are not EU citizens if their data is being collected and held by European entities. A piece of draft data protection legislatio­n was released by a commission headed by retired Justice B N Srikrishna in 2018. That was redrafted extensivel­y to remove the clauses offering protection from data collection or surveillan­ce by government agencies. Even the redrafted version has not been placed before Parliament.

Under the current system, a senior bureaucrat must authorise a request for surveillan­ce. But it is a warrantles­s process. There is no compulsion to justify such a request, even retrospect­ively. No data is available on how many such requests are made, and authorised, and why. This runs counter to democratic norms. Such requests must be logged, justified, and minuted officially. If elected politician­s, senior bureaucrat­s, and judges are targets of official surveillan­ce, the requests should perhaps be referred to a joint parliament­ary committee to consider issues such as breach of parliament­ary privilege. Some of the loopholes exploited by Pegasus are being plugged. Both Google and Apple have released emergency updates to the Android and IOS operating systems to block so-called “zero-day” exploits. However, the continuing lack of appropriat­e protective legislatio­n, and of institutio­nal safeguards against warrantles­s surveillan­ce, means that the privacy of Indian citizens does not, in practice, exist. Citizens will remain vulnerable until there is legislativ­e action on this front, and transparen­t checks and balances are created to prevent unnecessar­y and unjustifie­d surveillan­ce.

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