An Islamic renaissance is essential

The wealth of Muslim monarchies notwithstanding, the world of Islam is in tatters. Torn by internal strife, lack of focus on starving millions and controlled by greed as well as external powers, Muslim governments are in disarray.

Tensions between Saudi Arabia and Iran have reached so high that they are waging proxy wars against each other in Syria and Yemen. Iranian pilgrims were not able to perform Haj last year. The wars have created major humanitarian crises, producing famine, poverty and millions of refugees. These political games are aimed at grabbing power, and politics and religion are being exploited to the detriment of civilians. Divisions have been created amongst an already polarised Muslim world. Sectarian feelings are worked up on media.

In Pakistan, each year, hundreds of “firebrand” clerics are banned from entering the more ‘sensitive’ areas of the country during Muharram. Members of minority sects are regularly attacked not only by the Taliban or splinter groups, but also by others. Centuries of textualist interpretations of the Quran, belief in questionable hadith and tribal and patriarchal customs have led to troubling rhetoric by self-righteous clerics.

Pakistan’s policies of the 1980s led to the mushrooming of fanatics who used Islam for killings. Recognition of this fact and the rise of internal terrorism led to Operation Zarb-i-Azb. What is now needed, more than ever, is a zarbi-fikr, a term so aptly coined by Javed Ahmed Ghamidi for reversing the narrative used by extremists. I am using this term here in its wider sense.

The Muslim world, its scholars and leaders who are seriously concerned about the rapid deterioration of Muslim society, must find alternative routes of thought and platforms for open debate. This must happen at local, country, regional and global levels. The objectives would include development of tolerant societies, as Muslim societies should be, but equally to take measures for progress through inclusiveness, education and social cohesion.

The approach to this could include analysis of what is going wrong.

Countries — Pakistan in particular — could begin to accept differences of religious opinion and clamp down on those who oppose freedom of expression. Too many instances in the past indicate that governments have either supported or buckled under the pressure of groups that want Pakistanis to live in fear.

A scholar like Fazlur Rahman had to leave the country in the 1960s because of his groundbreaking work on the Quran. Many Muslims who would like to hold discussions on religious matters cannot do so for fear of being branded “apostates.” In contemporary times, laws on domestic violence and patriarchal killings are toned down. The recent bill in Sindh on criminalising forced conversions is being touted as “unIslamic”. Laws have been based on questionable interpretations and implemented for personal gains against innocents.

Today, the message of Islam, which called for rational thought and freedom of choice, must be reiterated. The individual must be free to follow any religion of her/his choice and the state must turn its attention to public people.

Scholars need to discuss exactly what they are bickering about. Muslims should be free to discuss what the Sharia means.

The thousands of alims churned out by madrasas must be monitored for what they learn and do. Khutbas in mosques need to be assessed. Institutions like the Council of Islamic Ideology that have been blamed for promoting misogyny must be done away with. These measures must have the protection of law. Research should be encouraged on Islam. An Islamic renaissance is essential. By arrangement with Dawn