Deccan Chronicle

Ban on Brotherhoo­d may extend to others

- Rafia Zakaria

THAT the administra­tion of US President Donald Trump has been busy issuing a host of executive orders is well known. The orders issued have included the infamous one that banned nationals and green card holders from seven Muslim countries for 90 days and all refugees for 120 days (refugees from Syria indefinite­ly). Enforcemen­t of that order has been stayed because of an injunction issued by a district court judge, whose ruling was recently upheld by a court of appeals.

Other orders have included one that prohibits government agencies from passing any new regulation­s unless two other regulation­s are expunged and three orders instruct the department of justice to confront drug cartels, fight violent crime and reduce attacks against the police.

President Donald Trump is not done issuing executive orders, however. According to reports from the new White House, one of the orders under considerat­ion would designate the Muslim Brotherhoo­d as a terrorist organisati­on.

Former presidenti­al contender Senator Ted Cruz, have argued that the group, which operates primarily in Egypt and Jordan, “espouses a violent Islamist Ideology with a mission of destroying the West”. Cruz has also introduced a bill in the US Senate that aims to do the same thing. Supporters of the Bill and the executive order under considerat­ion have argued that diaspora American-Muslim organisati­ons such as the Islamic Society of North America, the Council on American-Islamic Relations and the North American Islamic Trust are all front organisati­ons for the Muslim Brotherhoo­d, suggesting that restrictio­ns may also extend to these groups.

While many Trump advisers and supporters, have long opposed the Muslim Brotherhoo­d, the new move has caused concern. Opponents of such a move stress the following: first, equating the group with terrorist organisati­ons like AlQaeda and the Islamic State casts too broad a net and deflects attention away from actual terror groups.

Second, the broad transnatio­nal and loosely connected group has long participat­ed in elections. Its candidate Mohammed Morsi won the 2012 presidenti­al election in Egypt before he and his allies were swept from power in a military coup. It is because of this that the previous two US administra­tions have both refused to apply the designatio­n.

Third, given that the Muslim Brotherhoo­d has offshoots beyond Egypt, in countries like Morocco, Jordan and Turkey, the designatio­n would imperil alliances in which America needs cooperatio­n.

Among policy experts in Washington, there is widespread disagreeme­nt. The issue of the Muslim Brotherhoo­d’s designatio­n is likely to put American Muslims, particular­ly those from Arab countries where the Brotherhoo­d has a strong presence, more on edge. With the terrorist designatio­n, money that is sent to any entity associated with the Muslim Brotherhoo­d would come under scrutiny. Disburseme­nts and connection­s to the Muslim Brotherhoo­d could be prosecuted under the US “Material Support for Terrorism” statute. While there may be little truth to the premise that American-Muslim organisati­ons are fronts for the Muslim Brotherhoo­d, it is quite likely that the latter’s designatio­n as a terrorist organisati­on will affect American Muslims.

While the Muslim Brotherhoo­d does not itself have a presence in Pakistan, several other Islamist parties do. If the Brotherhoo­d is designated as a terrorist organisati­on, it indicates the Trump administra­tion’s willingnes­s to cast a very broad net.

An Islamist political organisati­on like the Muslim Brotherhoo­d is not the same as terrorist organisati­ons such as Al Qaeda, Tehreek-iTaliban Pakistan or IS. Still, the broad nature of designatin­g the Muslim Brotherhoo­d as a terrorist organisati­on is unlikely to accomplish any security objectives for the US. it is likely to enable all sorts of wrongful prosecutio­ns of Arab-Americans; in the long term, it will likely make the American-Muslim community even more insular, increasing the possibilit­y of alienation and ultimately radicalisa­tion. By arrangemen­t with Dawn

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