Deccan Chronicle

TD exit, statue attacks: BJP to rethink strategy?

- Nilanjan Mukhopadhy­ay

Hurt Telugu pride was at the root of N.T. Rama Rao’s rise in the early 1980s. This changed the topography of Indian politics inexorably for years. NTR became pivot of the nonCongres­s or anti-Centre parties in the 1980s. With his charismati­c presence and ability to keep several arch-rivals united in pursuit of the aim to oust the Congress government, NTR gave a fresh lease of life to antiCongre­ss politics after the botched Janata Party experiment.

According to an apocryphal story, in 1982 the newly-anointed Congress general secretary, Rajiv Gandhi, landed at Begumpet airport on a private visit. He was surprised when he was greeted on the tarmac by the state Cabinet and party workers led by chief minister T. Anjaiah. Instead of setting this aside as an act of unabashed servility, Rajiv Gandhi publicly humiliated him — some records say he called Anjaiah a “buffoon”. The story goes that already hurt by Indira Gandhi whimsicall­y changing several Andhra Pradesh chief ministers in quick succession, NTR decided to quit his film career and turned politician. The Telugu Desam swept the ensuing elections and NTR became the first non-Congress CM of the state.

In the melodramat­ic parting of ways between the BJP and the Telugu Desam earlier this week, no one called each other names but TD chief N. Chandrabab­u Naidu claimed that the Prime Minister was not available — which is odd in this mobile age — when he wished to communicat­e the decision to pull out from the NDA government at the Centre. “My OSD spoke to his OSD,” he said, explaining how the decision was communicat­ed. Flashback to 2013-14, when Mr Modi and Mr Naidu had worked in tandem — for Mr Modi as PM and the latter as CM. Workers of both parties termed the duo “Jodi No. 1”. Partings are bitter but have deeper impact if one party accuses the other of humiliatio­n. Mr Naidu claimed that he visited New Delhi “to meet the PM and Central ministers 29 times in the last four years. I showed a lot of patience, but we were taken very lightly all the time. The Centre is behaving as if we are greedy to get a lot of money from the Centre which does not belong to us. We are only asking for what is rightfully ours”.

Effectivel­y, he claimed that since May 2014 he visited the Indian capital once every month and a half to seek what was promised but was humiliated. This will be interprete­d as another instance of causing hurt to Telugu pride.

Mr Naidu’s principal challenger in the state, Jagan Mohan Reddy of the YSR Congress, has for long pursued the narrative of the Centre habitually snubbing regional aspiration­s. Mr Reddy has been at this theme since 2011 when he stormed into Parliament in a byelection after being denied political space and dignity by the Congress after his father Y.S. Rajasekhar Reddy died tragically.

His declaratio­n of upping the ante against the NDA government — the party is circulatin­g a no-confidence motion in Parliament, failing which its MPs are to resign from the House — ensures a clean slate for the BJP from Andhra in the next elections because the principal rivals are in sync on their anti-Centre posture. Mr Naidu’s decision to snap the pact with the BJP may have been taken with intent of not vacating the antiCentre space in the state, but is also indicative of the BJP’s growing woes with allies.

The trouble with the present BJP leadership is that it remains intoxicate­d with the 2014 verdict, and reads too much into state victories. However astounding the triumph in Uttar Pradesh may have been, the party’s fortunes almost crashlande­d on the banks of the Sabarmati river. Likewise, the victories in Tripura and the formation of coalitions in Nagaland and Meghalaya may have given rise to that heady sentiment once again, but only to be brought down thanks to the belligeren­ce of supporters who display acute inability to remain levelheade­d after a victory.

Mr Modi’s decision, against the grain of his track record, to issue a stern statement on the reports of vandalism from different parts of the country, was no change of heart or sudden love for the memory of Lenin.

Instead, it was indication that the party leadership has recognised irreversib­le damage to party fortunes in Tamil Nadu caused by desecratio­n of Periyar statues. After all, actor-turnedaspi­ring politician Kamal Haasan declared in public that Tamilians did not require assistance from the police to protect statues of the icon of Tamil nationalis­m. With the BJP already politicall­y inconseque­ntial on its own in Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Kerala, its failure to reverse the setback in Tamil Nadu bodes ill for the BJP — these four southern states account for 101 Lok Sabha seats.

Additional­ly, the BJP is in troubled relationsh­ips with its two oldest allies — the Shiv Sena and the Akali Dal. Concerns about Mr Modi’s domineerin­g personalit­y once raised controvers­ially by Nitish Kumar lie at the root of the BJP’s uneasy partnershi­p with these parties. The sentiment is shared by several others who are part of the NDA government. But while they have not immediatel­y followed in the footsteps of Jitam Ram Manjhi, the possibilit­y of major realignmen­t cannot be ruled out if the parties begin to perceive that the hawa is blowing in a different direction. There is also no certainty if the party’s ties with the People’s Democratic Party in Jammu and Kashmir will hold comfortabl­y till the next hustings. Although the PDP’s support may not be required for the BJP to retain its strangleho­ld on the Jammu region, associatio­n with ideologica­lly diverse parties increases its acceptabil­ity at the national level, and especially among people who are not fundamenta­lly Hindutva supporters. The TD’s pullout from the Union government has the possibilit­y of reworking the equation prior to 2019. How Mr Modi now responds to this challenge will be crucial in the short and medium term. The writer is the author of Narendra Modi: The Man, the Times and Sikhs: The Untold Agony of 1984 The Telugu Desam pulling out its ministers from the Union Cabinet is welcome. In fact, it would be appropriat­e for the party to leave the NDA which is the natural corollary after the first move. The spectacle of winning election after election on mere promises, and misgoverni­ng the country thereafter, has been the hallmark of the BJP. The Indian voter has been taken for a ride in every aspect. Varghese George

Secunderab­ad

The TDP’s pullout from the Union government has the possibilit­y of reworking the equation prior to 2019. How Modi now responds to this challenge will be crucial in the short and medium term.

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