Deccan Chronicle

As corona threat grows; time to unite, not divide

- K.C. Singh

The BJP-led government’s focus after its 2019 reelection has been on its majoritari­an electoral agenda — triple talaq, eliminatin­g the special status of Jammu and Kashmir and Citizenshi­p (Amendment) Act. As a result, relations between the majority community and the Muslim minority, estimated at 15 per cent of the population, were on edge. The backdrop was the elections in Haryana, Maharashtr­a and Jharkhand. During the February 2020 Delhi election, the BJP used the Shaheen Bagh peaceful sit-down women’s agitation to polarise the electorate.

The Delhi election was important for the BJP, having lost Jharkhand. It was equally a dress rehearsal for trouncing Mamata Bannerjee in West Bengal in 2021. Home minister Amit Shah alleged in Parliament that there was a conspiracy to create chaos during US President Donald Trump’s visit on February 24-25. It equally was bad policing. For instance, when a defeated BJP candidate’s threat to protesters in Delhi’s trans-Yamuna colonies was ignored. Whatever the truth, global attention was once again drawn to the communal tension in India under Prime Minister Modi, and his similar inability or unwillingn­ess in 2002 to control the carnage.

President Trump avoided any comment on the Delhi violence, occurring as he took media questions at the US ambassador’s residence. His remark that it was “up to India” to take remedial measures let India off the hook, but it was criticised by his rivals back home. However, India couln’t totally avoid internatio­nal ramificati­ons. First Turkey, Malaysia and Indonesia criticised India for not protecting its minorities. Then followed the Iranian foreign minister and eventually Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei,

who on March 5 urged India to “confront extremist Hindus & their parties & stop the massacre of Muslims in order to prevent India’s isolation from the world of Islam”. India reacted swiftly to the foreign minister’s remarks but was restrained after Ayatollah Khamenei’s sharp comments. The US-Taliban accord in Doha five days earlier had altered the geostrateg­ic environmen­t. India needs Iran to play any meaningful role in a post-US Afghanista­n as it controls land access and maintains relations with all factions.

More worrisome was the office of Michelle Bachelet, UN high commission­er for human rights, seeking to join the CAA writ before the Supreme Court. She is a two-term former President of Chile, imprisoned along with her mother during the dictatoria­l rule of Auguto Pinochet. She brings a tremendous personal reputation to defending human rights, reviving debate about the conflict between sovereignt­y and internatio­nal oversight of human rights record of UN members. India can berate and ignore her, but at the cost of its moral authority globally. She is in any case echoing Indian constituti­onal experts’ opinion that the CAA breaches the Constituti­on’s secular core. The US resigned in 2018 from the UN Human Rights Council, reformed and reconstitu­ted with 47 members in 2006, seeking more changes. America’s angst was over UNHRC often targeting Israel’s building activities in occupied West Bank. Although undeniably some gross abusers of human rights do occasional­ly get elected as its members, it still remains an agent of good.

However, developmen­ts in India have a global context. Anti-globalisat­ion and anti-immigratio­n forces have deepened the political divide in most western liberal democracie­s. Francis Fukuyama in his latest book Identity feels parties on the Left and Right are moving to extremes. He says the Republican Party under Mr Trump has veered towards the extremist views of the Tea Party, and the Democratic Party to its left, explaining the rise of Bernie Sanders. From multi-culturalis­m, there is a transition towards new identity politics. Consequent­ly, political correctnes­s is passé — racist or homophobic remarks that people never made in public are now freely voiced. This has coarsened the public debate, and amongst elected leaders President Trump leads. The same has happened in India, where even senior BJP leaders use public rostrums to openly or subliminal­ly feed communal passions. Fukuyama claims that much of Mr Trump’s public articulati­on, in the past, “would have ended the career of any other politician”.

At the root lies the CAA, as passed by the government, though rules have so far not been framed. The government argues it is solely intended to benefit the minorities in three neighbouri­ng nations who are victims of religious persecutio­n. This is untenable. First, the same was achievable by a law specifying that refuge was available to all victims of religious persecutio­n, without listing religions and excluding Muslims. Has not India for decades given refuge to Bangladesh­i writer Taslima Nasreen? Deductivel­y, Bangladesh­i Muslims are the real targets. India’s image in Bangladesh and bilateral ties are being impacted. It also undermines Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government, one of the friendlies­t in the neighbourh­ood. The home minister’s assurance in the Lok Sabha goes halfway towards allaying concerns as he has not delinked a future

National Register of Citizens from National Population Register data.

Additional­ly, Mr Amit Shah, in umpteen election speeches, repeatedly linked the CAA to the NRC and NPR. The problem is the criteria being devised to ascertain nationalit­y. Neither passports, obtained after due police and intelligen­ce verificati­on, nor Aadhaar cards, created after crores of public expenditur­e, or other such documents are reportedly acceptable as proof of citizenshi­p. Globally, citizenshi­p is determined under jus soli, by place of birth, or jus sanguinis, depending on descent. France uses a third method of loyalty to the republic: the French language. India now threatens to use jus sanguinis, exempting nonMuslims from the consequenc­es of deficient documents to prove descent. Muslims thus fear a majoritari­an cleansing exercise that the home minister colourfull­y called exterminat­ion of “termites”.

What is the solution? America has 11-12 million suspected illegal immigrants. Fukuyama argues it is ridiculous to think all these people can just leave unless the US undertakes a “project on that scale… worthy of Stalin’s Soviet Union or Nazi Germany”. He suggests an amnesty and gradual assimilati­on. Two centuries of nationbuil­ding and a civil war finally created first US President George Washington’s idea of the US as “open to receive not only the opulent and respectabl­e stranger, but the oppressed and persecuted of all nations and religions”. Trumpian politics betrays this vision as the BJP too attempts to curtail the idea of India as enshrined in our Constituti­on. The coming US election is an inflexion point for liberal democracie­s globally, as a re-elected Trump can be their death-knell. More important, with the coronaviru­s tsunami upon us, isn’t it time to unite rather than divide? Mr Trump and Mr Modi are likely to be asked that question over the next few months.

The writer is a former secretary in the external affairs ministry. He tweets at @ambkcsingh.

Political correctnes­s is passé... Fukuyama claims that much of Mr Trump’s public articulati­on, in the past, ‘would have ended the career of any other politician’.

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