Retailing religion
An attempt to use economic theories the economics of religion. and tools to understand
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HE best way to introduce the book under review is to use the author Sriya Iyer’s own words taken from the last chapter. She writes: “The book argues that economic theories and empirical examples might be useful in evaluating the role of religion in society comprehensively, and that they contribute to the work on religion done over the centuries by philosophers, theologians, sociologists and historians. It also suggests that social scientists must never lose sight of the fact that they seek to understand real people in the real world, especially when we study real people in the real world. What do we really know about the economics of religion in India?” The book is her attempt to answer that question.
Gathering fruits from trees, production of grain from land, the division of labour in these processes, the distribution of the produce among the participants are primordial activities of human beings. These activities also give rise to dependence on nature and beliefs and speculation about forces beyond nature. If such questions are the basis of religion, they may also be considered an innate impulse of humans. However, the nature of the relationship between the two cannot be taken for granted.
Many scholars have undertaken professional inquiries on the relationship between religion and economics. Richard Tawney’s Religion and the Rise of Capitalism (1926) and Max Weber’s The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1930) are noted examples of an earlier era. While they dealt with economics and religion, the economics of religion is a new branch of study started around the 1990s. It has picked up immensely as the 25-page bibliography in the present volume shows.
According to the author’s initial statement, it is an attempt to use economic theories and tools to understand religion.
Surely, it will not go unchallenged. Those who consider economics to be based on rational behaviour and treat religion as essentially emotional, if not irrational, will consider the two basically antithetical. The author’s approach is different. As a social scientist, she studies religion because it affects the organisation of society and hence economic life. At the same time, she also knows that there is a great deal of “marketing of religion” and hence economists’ tools of studying markets—competition, branding, advertising, dissemination of information—can be used to study religion empirically.
The author and her colleagues conducted a detailed field study of religious organisations of Hindus, Muslims, Christians and a few others in selected districts of seven States in India. The survey consisted of a series of sensitive questions on basic demographics, areas of operation, number of adherents, religious practices, provision of religious and non-religious services, sources of income and expenditure and perceptions of competitive intensity with other religious organisations. Those interested in the details of the survey method should study Chapter 3. The main findings follow.
Temples (and other centres of worship) are as much an economic site as a place of religious upliftment. Construction and maintenance of temples provide jobs and encourage ancillary cottage industries that sustain the local population. Providing education is seen to be an important service of religious organisations.
“Propagating the faith and religious education are key religious services, and technology and the media, including mobile phones, are used innovatively to promote religious services.” When poverty and economic inequality are high, religious organisations may even provide