Hindustan Times (Amritsar)

The lack of real upward mobility among Muslims is our democracy’s failure

The political mobilisati­on around communitie­s explicitly works against Muslims. The discrimina­tion is overt

- SHIV VISVANATHA­N Shiv Visvanatha­n is professor, Jindal Global Law School and director, Centre for Study of Knowledge Systems, OP Jindal Global University The views expressed are personal

Mobility has been a hall mark of growth and democracy. The myth of mobility is one of the moral myths of the growth century around the legend of Horatio Alger. Even Benjamin Franklin’s moral adages were tips for upward mobility. The study of mobility once caught in acts of storytelli­ng has now become a methodolog­ical conscious exercise. The search for certified indices of mobility is acute, and a study by Sam Asher, Paul Novosad and Charlie Rafkin is a methodolog­ically selfconsci­ous about mobility. The research focuses on upward mobility of an intergener­ation kind and the insights it offers are revealing. In fact, in its neutrality, the study amplifies its political implicatio­ns.

The study focusses not on the income, but educationa­l mobility. The three findings must be stated explicitly. Firstly, if one separates Muslims and the SC/ST from the rest of the population, upward mobility for the rest of the population is happily comparable to the United States. Secondly, upward mobility has improved significan­tly for the SC/ST population. Almost all the mobility gains that have accrued are a result of political mobilisati­on. Oddly the upper classes have not suffered though they have mobilised against affirmativ­e action. It is the third finding which is devastatin­g. Intergener­ational mobility has been negligible for Muslims. It is as if democracy in an electoral sense has worked more for OBCs and SC/STs but not for Muslims. Neither liberalisa­tion nor democracy has offered much to Muslims in terms of opportunit­y. The study is based on educationa­l mobility because economic income data has been sparse. Educationa­l mobility can be measured more precisely than income mobility. One also finds that mobility in urban areas is significan­tly higher than rural areas. The gap between urban and rural is equivalent to the gap between upper castes and SCs. The gap is also higher in the North rather than the South.

The study argues that the historical and political marginalis­ation of Muslims is significan­t. It emphasises that the political mobilisati­on around communitie­s explicitly work against Muslims. The discrimina­tion is overt. A paper in the Economic and Political weekly estimated that displaceme­nt from riots is the second biggest demographi­c displaceme­nt after dams. Studies of riots especially in Gujarat reveal that victims unlike earlier do not return to their homes. Violence not only breaks the mentality of hope but prevents a consolidat­ion of income which mobility requires.

Social policy has been as relevant as violence. Group strategies have targeted people belonging to the SCs/STs. Asher states that he can cite no major policy which specifical­ly works on the ameliorati­on of Muslim disadvanta­ges. This is a point that social critique has to recognise and discuss. Muslims in India face the stark fact of stagnation, if not downward mobility.

The nature of education may also be problemati­c. SC/ST groups tend to access secular mainstream schools which are more open to the society. Madrasa education tends to be provincial, often regressive, and makes only nominal acknowledg­ements to the demands of education and mobility. To this regressive policy, we now have to add the fact, that the current regime polices food, dress and the real estate of the city in a way that it becomes disadvanta­geous to this religious minority. The Muslim status in an inter-generation­al sense offers little hope. The situation of women must be even more hopeless. What one senses is a missing-ness of both strategies to improve Muslim education and strategies to link this to the political economy. Democracy as an imaginatio­n has failed Muslims. This I believe is one of the biggest benchmarks of the Indian democracy. It is a fact democracy needs to discuss.

THE INTERGENER­ATIONAL MOBILITY HAS BEEN NEGLIGIBLE FOR THE MUSLIM COMMUNITY. IT IS AS IF DEMOCRACY IN AN ELECTORAL SENSE HAS WORKED MORE FOR THE OBCS AND THE SC/STS, BUT NOT FOR MUSLIMS

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