Hindustan Times (Amritsar)

Pakistan has stymied peace in Kabul

It continues pretending to be a US ally while harbouring the Taliban’s terror network

- BRAHMA CHELLANEY Brahma Chellaney is a geostrateg­ist and author The views expressed are personal

The US war in Afghanista­n has already lasted more than twice as long as World War II, exacting a staggering cost in blood and treasure. With the longest war in American history completing 17 years this month, US patience appears to be wearing thin. Recent American moves — from renewing efforts for a peace deal with the Afghan Taliban to changing the combat strategy — indicate that President Donald Trump’s administra­tion is desperate to end the war.

The newly-appointed US Special Representa­tive for Afghanista­n Reconcilia­tion, Zalmay Khalilzad, blindsided the Afghan government by holding unannounce­d face-to-face talks recently with the Taliban in Qatar. Khalilzad’s negotiatio­ns — just ahead of Afghanista­n’s parliament­ary elections that the Taliban sought to disrupt — constitute­d the second round of US-Taliban direct talks in about three months.

The revived Great Game, however, is clouding the renewed US peace effort. US foreign policy, through punitive sanctions and tariffs, is driving Russia, China and Iran to support the Taliban in a bid to tie down American forces in Afghanista­n. And Pakistan, which provides cross-border safe havens to the Taliban, continues running with the hare and hunting with the hounds — pretending to be a US ally while harbouring the Taliban’s network structure.

To make matters worse, an ascendant Taliban is expanding its territoria­l control and killing government forces in such record numbers that authoritie­s in Kabul no longer disclose fatality tolls. Afghan military casualties have been rising since 2014, after US forces transferre­d responsibi­lity for most security to the Afghans. Still, almost 15,000 American troops remain, while some 26,000 US military contractor­s in Afghanista­n continue doing many jobs that soldiers would normally do.

Pakistan holds the key to a US peace deal with the Taliban. Former American President Barack Obama unsuccessf­ully tried to co-opt Pakistan by extending multibilli­on-dollar aid packages to that country. Now, under Trump, the US has renewed efforts to win the support of Pakistan’s powerful military generals, including by assassinat­ing the chief of the Pakistani Taliban in May. In fact, three successive Pakistani Taliban chiefs have been killed by US military strikes, with each assassinat­ion intended to win Pakistan’s cooperatio­n in the Afghan war.

For its part, the US, seeking to preserve the option of reaching a Faustian bargain with the Afghan Taliban, has not included that militia in its list of foreign terrorist organisati­ons. And the only time the US has assassinat­ed a major Afghan Taliban leader inside the mili- tia leadership’s sanctuary, Pakistan, was in 2016 when a drone strike killed the new chief after he adamantly opposed any peace talks.

US Defence Secretary Jim Mattis, making an unannounce­d visit to Kabul last month on his way back from New Delhi, claimed that reconcilia­tion efforts with the Taliban had gained “traction”. But the Taliban, while valuing direct talks with the US as a means to undercut the Afghan government’s legitimacy, have little incentive to make peace with America. Through battlefiel­d victories, the Taliban have already gained the momentum against government forces, which are spread thin and on the defensive.

An emboldened Taliban, in the talks in Qatar, demanded a time frame for an “end to the US occupation” and removal of all Taliban leaders from US sanctions lists. Meanwhile, in response to the increasing Taliban attacks in Afghanista­n, Washington has advised Afghan troops to pull back from sparsely populated areas and focus instead on safeguardi­ng cities. Consequent­ly, not only have vast swathes of Afghanista­n become no-go zones, but also the priority accorded to force protection is signalling a government in retreat.

Further emboldenin­g the Taliban are the new avenues of support from Russia, Iran and China. But while Moscow and Tehran long viewed the Taliban as a major terrorist threat before establishi­ng contact with the militia, China has always had a dubious approach toward the Taliban. When 9/11 happened, a Chinese delegation was in Kandahar signing an accord with the isolated Taliban regime. Now, seeking a bigger role in Afghanista­n, China is again courting the Taliban.

India, a top aid donor to Afghanista­n, is the only power to pursue a consistent­ly anti-Taliban policy. India is concerned that the US-Taliban direct talks, besides marginalis­ing the Afghan government, lend respectabi­lity to a terrorist organisati­on that enforces medieval practices. But the US appears willing, as part of a peace deal, to accommodat­e the Taliban in an Afghan power-sharing arrangemen­t.

However, an enduring peace deal appears unlikely as long as Pakistan continues playing a double game and the US refuses to go after the Taliban’s cross-border safe havens. The Trump team knows this and yet is seeking to repeat Obama-era failed efforts, including wooing the Taliban.

 ?? GETTY IMAGES ?? ■ US Special Representa­tive for Afghanista­n Reconcilia­tion Zalmay Khalilzad recently held unannounce­d facetoface talks with the Taliban in Qatar
GETTY IMAGES ■ US Special Representa­tive for Afghanista­n Reconcilia­tion Zalmay Khalilzad recently held unannounce­d facetoface talks with the Taliban in Qatar
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