Hindustan Times (Amritsar)

To win the trust of the people of J&K, trust them

Democracy and secularism must become real for the Indian citizens of J&K and Ladakh. This is the way out

- WAJAHAT HABIBULLAH Wajahat Habibullah is a former IAS officer of the J&K cadre, India’s first Chief Informatio­n Commission­er (2005-10) and author of My Kashmir: The Dying of the Light The views expressed are personal

Different sections of Indians hold sharply divided views about the developmen­ts of August 5, 2019, in the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K). Were these, in fact, as many Indians believe, simply a consummati­on of a process initiated by the state’s accession to India upon Independen­ce, which had left it with a special status? After all, Article 370 was titled “Temporary Provisions”. Or was it, as several other Indians including Kashmiris see it, a repudiatio­n of a commitment guaranteed by the Constituti­on, the abrogation of which has betrayed even a semblance of the freedom that the state was promised?

The personnel appointed to administer the two new Union territorie­s (UTs) are, without a doubt, of great merit. The officer chosen as lieutenant governor (LG) of the UT of Ladakh was Chief Informatio­n Commission­er of India who has accepted a demotion in status in the service of the nation. But Ladakh is left with a makeshift administra­tion, without a recruitmen­t agency to fill gazetted posts, no formal bank and locked in a dispute over the location of its headquarte­rs — Muslim-majority Kargil or Buddhistma­jority Leh in what is a Muslim-majority UT. Although in contrast, the officer appointed LG for J&K is a bureaucrat of the Gujarat cadre, he is assisted by an array of advisers of outstandin­g reputation. The administra­tion won approbatio­n for the efficiency with which it arranged testing materials on the Covid-19 pandemic outbreak and the return of students stranded abroad and also migrant labour. But the virus’ spread has been exacerbate­d by the import of migrant workers to work with the public works department. Many of them have tested positive. Many young people are out on the streets of Srinagar without any form of protection despite government advice.

In the Rajya Sabha debate on the J&K Reorganisa­tion Bill 2019, reading down Article 370 of the Constituti­on, home minister Amit Shah said the state’s special status was the root cause of corruption. But a year since Article 370 was abrogated, a long-time campaigner for the right to informatio­n, good governance and transparen­cy in the J&K government, Raja Muzaffar Bhat, found that corruption remains pervasive.

The Centre has been busy in enacting legislatio­n such as the domicile law and the UT government in issuing sanctions. Five medical colleges, including two All India Institutes of Medical Science, have been inaugurate­d and colleges of nursing sanctioned. Announceme­nts are regularly made of the LG sanctionin­g a host of hydel projects in the power-deficit state, which nonetheles­s is a major contributo­r to the national power grid. Long-pending road constructi­on has been approved. But educationa­l institutio­ns remain shut with no provision for distance learning except in a single school in Pulwama. Power and water supply are fitful; roads await maintenanc­e for years including vital link roads along the Line of Control.

A Forum for Human Rights in Jammu and Kashmir constitute­d by retired justices of the Supreme Court and the high courts, ex-civil servants, former senior defence personnel, academics and campaigner­s for human rights recently released its first report, Jammu and Kashmir: The Impact of Lockdowns on Human Rights covering the year following August 5, 2019. Their findings: One, the absolute priority given to counter-insurgency has brought across-theboard violations of human rights and increased terrorist activity. Two, in the 11 months of lockdown, the public saw incessant harassment through closures, barricades, checkpoint­s and suspension of communicat­ion, crippling public health, with pervasive post-traumatic stress disorder even among children. Three, education flounders at every level with the limiting of networks to 2G thereby making online classes dysfunctio­nal, in violation of the constituti­onal right to education. Four, commerce and industry have suffered massive losses. Tourism and cottage industries, reliant on 4G networks, are out of business. Local employment is at a standstill.

Five, journalist­s have faced harassment with recourse taken even to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. Six, the military presence has been accentuate­d.

After August 5, 2019, the Concerned Citizens Group, of which I am a member, made two visits to Kashmir on September 17-18, 2019 and November 22-26, 2019. In our statement of May 20, 2020, we said that J&K has continued in a social, economic, political and communicat­ion lockdown since August 5, 2019, now doubly reinforced by the pandemic. “Senior political leaders,” we wrote, “including a former chief minister, continue to be in detention, in several cases under the draconian Public Safety Act. Meanwhile, there are attempts to incubate artificial political processes — through village and local body elections and facilitati­ng the launch of a new political party. However, these processes have failed to fill the political vacuum.”

Following the August 5, 2019 decision, there have been discussion­s in the US Congress, the European Union parliament, the UN Security Council and statements by the UN Human Rights Commission on Kashmir. Many security analysts believe that J&K’s change in constituti­onal status has brought about the Chinese intrusion into Ladakh. But while many residents protest that their lands have been occupied by China, the Union government has maintained a degree of ambiguity on the issue.

Where do we go from here? For residents of J&K and Ladakh, democracy and secularism must be real as they have been for all other Indians by making them participan­ts in governance. The government knows this, which accounts for its abortive efforts to institute panchayat raj. But gestures will not do. The country must place its trust in its own people if it expects their trust in return.

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