Hindustan Times (Amritsar)

The policy landscape around digital and physical micro-lending

- Amol Agrawal is a faculty member at Ahmedabad University. He writes the Mostly Economics blog The views expressed are personal

Micro-lending is in the news again for the wrong reasons. First, the Assam government passed a bill which barred micro-finance institutio­ns (MFIs) from lending to vulnerable sections of society. It was a response to a backlash against MFIs. A large number of borrowers working in tea plantation­s had taken loans from MFIs. The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) noted that the economic slowdown in tea plantation­s and anti-Citizenshi­p (Amendment) Act disruption­s led to rise in the delinquenc­ies. MFIs started sending collectors for recoveries to the borrowers, leading first to the backlash and then the political response in terms of the bill.

Second, RBI expressed caution against digital lending platforms which promise quick loans, and constitute­d a working group to study both regulated and unregulate­d digital lending “so that an appropriat­e regulatory approach can be put in place”. Digital lending platforms have mushroomed and there are criticisms of high interest rates, hidden charges, unacceptab­le recovery methods and misuse of data of borrowers. Whether it is physical lending or digital micro-lending, the outcomes seem to be similar across the two cases.

In 1870s, a similar backlash emerged in Poona and Ahmednagar districts of the Bombay presidency. The agricultur­e boom in the early 1860s led farmers to take loans from moneylende­rs. As the boom went bust, farmers were unable to pay these loans. The moneylende­rs took away land placed as collateral, fuelling protests and riots.

How did the government respond? By passing new laws. In 1879, the Deccan Agricultur­al Relief Act barred the arrest of the agricultur­ist-debtor and saved his immovable property from attachment and sale, unless specifical­ly pledged. The Land Improvemen­ts Loans Act 1883 and Agricultur­al Loans Act of 1884 specified legislatio­n relating to loans from the government for agricultur­al improvemen­ts.

However, none of these legislatio­ns created the desired impact. The discussion­s moved to establishi­ng new financial institutio­ns to serve the needs of farmers. In 1892, the Madras government establishe­d a committee under Sir Frederick Nicholson to study the theory and practice of agricultur­al and land banks in Europe. The Madras presidency was the ideal setting for this experiment as it was already home to Nidhis (local financial institutio­ns), which financed the needs of farmers. Nicholson summarised his findings in two words: “Find Raiffeisen”. German Friedrich Wilhelm Raiffeisen was seen as the pioneer of the cooperativ­e movement and Nicholson asked to find another Raiffeisen to start the cooperativ­e movement in India. In 1900, ICS H Dupernex also wrote a book titled People’s Bank for Northern India which had similar ideas of cooperatio­n.

These ideas gave birth to the Indian Cooperativ­e Movement. In 1904, the government passed the Co-operative Credit Societies Act. It classified societies as rural and urban. Rural society members were bound by unlimited liability whereas urban ones were given a free choice. The cooperativ­es could raise funds and carry on their business in a corporate capacity. Loans could be given only to members on personal or real security. Since 1904, the cooperativ­e credit movement has gone through many cycles and is currently grappling with a crisis with closures and suspension­s of several cooperativ­e banks.

In 2010, the Andhra Pradesh government also passed similar legislatio­n like the one in Assam against MFIs leading to a crisis in the industry. Though the scale of lending is lesser in Assam and is unlikely to drive MFIs to a crisis, finance is not about scale alone but interconne­ctedness of the players. Fintechs will soon be criticised for being Shylocks and loan sharks.

Pre-2008 crisis, financiers were the cynosure of all eyes and post-crisis they were branded as devils of the game. Across countries, several legislatio­ns were passed to curtail the activities of the financial sector. But is it all the fault of lenders? Shouldn’t borrowers also suffer the consequenc­es of over-borrowing? How do we address this cyclical pattern of hailing and rubbishing financiers? It is time for an honest review of the entire issue.

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Amol Agrawal

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