RIGHT TIME FOR BOLD DECISIONS IN KASHMIR
When the BJP and the Peoples Democratic Party joined hands in March 2015 to form a coalition government in Jammu and Kashmir, some had seen it as an alliance that could possibly transform the future of the violence-wracked state.
These were the same elements who thought the move amounted to the BJP diluting its core ideology and moving towards greater pragmatism in order to broaden its base across the country.
After more than two years, the unnatural relationship between the two parties remains riven by mutual suspicions. Thus, one wasn’t very surprised when Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Mehbooba Mufti made an impassioned call for retaining the special rights and privileges of the state by not tinkering with Article 35A of the Constitution.
Ms Mufti’s remarks — that there would be no one to hold aloft the Indian tricolour in Kashmir if Article 35A is challenged — triggered a debate on nationalism and patriotism.
I feel there’s a lot of sense in what she said— that challenging Article 35A weakens those who trust India and join elections in Kashmir to live honourably, and that it doesn’t target the separatists who are “totally secessionist”.
The BJP should focus on the core of Ms Mufti’s remarks, and not the debate on nationalism and patriotism triggered by them, as it fashions its next steps in the state.
Ms Mufti has shown courage by talking about her party’s commitment to the Indian union — albeit in a roundabout manner. It may not be easy for politicians sitting in the comfort of Delhi to realise how difficult it is for a Kashmiri politician to make such a commitment in the current circumstances. Therefore, all this talk by some BJP leaders and even the Congress of Ms Mufti showing disrespect to the flag should be treated as what it really is— humbug.
Several other developments, both at the national level and in J&K, have also created the right atmosphere for a bold move by the BJP to address the Kashmir issue.
The security forces have scored a string of successes against militant groups, the latest being the killing of LeT commander Abu Dujana. The activities of the militant groups have been controlled to a large extent though they continue to pose a threat.
Pakistan, which has always had a central, and negative, role in Kashmir, is grappling with political uncertainty following the ouster of Nawaz Sharif as prime minister by a populist and activist Supreme Court.
After failing to make headway in his efforts to normalise relations with India and after constant run-ins with the Pakistan army, Sharif had taken to raking up the Kashmir issue at international forums and had even referred to Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani as a “freedom fighter”.
But with Sharif now more focused on ensuring that his PML-N party retains power in Pakistan’s general election next year and on sorting out legal problems, there could be less scope for the government to meddle in Kashmir.
All these could work to the BJP’s advantage if it showed the courage of framing a new approach towards the entire state and not just the parts where it has a support base. The timing is just right for the Centre to start a real and meaningful dialogue with the state government and all stakeholders to find a way out.
This process could be accompanied by a result-oriented package that should benefit all regions of the state that we are so fond of referring to as an ‘atoot ang’ (inseparable part). This package should also be realistic and have a realistic timeframe for deliverables.
Much attention is focussed on the separatists, especially the Hurriyat, whenever the issue of a new approach for Kashmir comes up. It has been proven over time that such leaders may no longer be relevant. If the separatists are unwilling to join any new move, so be it. The government must move without them.
Even if such a new approach were to meet with a modicum of success, the government and security agencies should not let down their guard. Recent developments have shown that both Islamic State (IS) and al-Qaeda have their eyes on Kashmir.
The IS has created a new cell— Ansarul Khilafah Jammu Kashmir— that is focused on the state and has urged supporters on the ground to prepare for attacks. Al-Qaeda recently named former Hizbul Mujahideen commander Zakir Musa as the head of its cell in Kashmir, the Ansar Ghazwat-ul-Hind.
It is easy to scoff at such developments, given that security officials insist both groups have no actual presence in J&K. The bigger problem is that both have their eyes on Kashmir. Also, given that the IS doesn’t function like other terror groups while recruiting and creating cells, there can be no room for complacency that will allow such groups to capitalise on the frustration among Kashmiri youngsters.
Furthermore, the Pakistani military is known to step up meddling in Kashmir, especially in supporting terrorists, whenever there is a weak government in Islamabad or when it wants to divert attention from domestic issues.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has shown his capacity for out-of-the-box and bold initiatives, though the results from such moves have not always lived up to everyone’s expectations. There is no time to lose and Mr Modi must respond to Ms Mufti’s overtures, brushing aside whatever reservations there may be within his party.
While doing so, he should not be fettered by the outcomes of past initiatives on Kashmir, whether by the BJP or Congress, for the prize is his for the taking.