Hindustan Times (Chandigarh)

Military muscle, and cutting flab

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National security is ultimately a question of evaluating security threats and national interests, and deciding on capabiliti­es to meet or secure them. Capabiliti­es in turn mean expenditur­e. The first must take the shape of a ‘Strategic Defence Review’ and define our military capabiliti­es to be created and maintained. As this is over the long term, correspond­ing long-term budgetary commitment­s have also to be stated. In our context, we are unique in never having formally articulate­d our security concerns and how we intend to address them. The unilateral cut in the induction of Rafale fighters and putting on hold and then scaling down the raising of the mountain strike corps — both requiremen­ts originally arrived at after a decade of debate — are symptomati­c of the absence of such an approach.

Stephen Cohen, an authority on South East Asia and the Indian Armed Forces, sums it up in his book, ‘Arming Without Aiming’.

WHAT NEEDS PRUNING Teeth to Tail Ratio is generally perceived to be the ratio of combatants to support personnel. Besides the uniformed support services, the vast manpower embedded in the defence support establishm­ents — Defence Research and Developmen­t Organisati­on, Director General of Defence Estates, Director General of Quality Assurance, Ordnance Factory Board, ordnance factories, defence public sector undertakin­gs and so on – all forming part of the defence expenditur­e — need to be taken into account. This ‘tail’ too needs major pruning and restructur­ing. Interestin­gly, defence civilians account for 40% of the defence pension budget. The recommenda­tions of the committee on these structures is unlikely to see implementa­tion.

In our context, the army is invariably seen as a manpower-heavy organisati­on fit for cutting ‘flab’ and therefore defence revenue expenditur­e. It is not well appreciate­d that our security commitment­s, emanating primarily from unsettled borders, and the role of the army are manpower-intensive.

This will only increase post-Doklam.

Given the requiremen­t of maintainin­g a young age profile of the forces, and consequent retirement of a large proportion between 35 and 45 years of age, one of the repeated recommenda­tions which could affect substantia­l savings is inducting this manpower laterally into the central police organisati­ons such as BSF, CRPF and SSB. This would provide trained manpower and defer the military pension commitment for 15-25 years as also cut the overall pension commitment. This forms part of the committee recommenda­tions.

IN LIGHT OF THE CUT The perceived imbalance in the other area related to revenue-vs-capital expenditur­e is due to our overall allotment for defence declining in real terms over the years and the correspond­ing expenditur­e on maintenanc­e (pay, pension, fuel) progressiv­ely increasing. The defence budget this year is the lowest in GDP terms since 1962. The ratio of revenue to capital expenditur­e thus appears disproport­ionate. The Kargil operation with the army chief stating, “We will fight with what we have,” said it all.

The decade of the 1980s saw the highest defence expenditur­e as a percentage of GDP. With no systematic acquisitio­ns and replacemen­ts for the next three decades, the balloon of equipment turning obsolete and requiring substantia­l capital expenditur­e stares us in the face today. Depleting fighter strength of the air force and submarines of the navy are publically acknowledg­ed. Shortages in ammunition and war-like stores leading to “hollowness” in war wastage reserves in the armed forces are revenue expenditur­es adding to the perception of excessive demands for revenue expenditur­e. Rationalis­ing the classifica­tion of expenditur­e heads would perhaps give a truer picture of defence expenditur­e.

This committee is not the first and certainly not the last. All have recommende­d major structural changes and refining budgetary approach to spending on defence.

Needless to say, their implementa­tion has been half-hearted and selective, if at all. Incrementa­l tinkering is unlikely to make it “agile, mobile and driven by technology”. That will require political will.

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