Hindustan Times (Chandigarh)

Friendship, competitio­n between Asia’s Big 3

GLOBAL PLAYERS With economic growth as the key aim, dynamic leaders of China, India and Japan are inspiring their countries to emerge as major powers

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between India and China are especially important for them to achieve their national aspiration­s.

China’s ‘rise’ has become a factor confrontin­g countries in the region, particular­ly as it seeks to expand economic and military influence and re-arrange the strategic geography on its periphery to its advantage. With its economic and military strength growing, China has over the last decade adopted assertive foreign and strategic policies that have put pressure on its neighbours, including challengin­g their territoria­l boundaries. In 2012, Xi Jinping’s was appointed as general secretary of the Chinese

Communist Party (CCP), chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC) and President of China. His mandate was to ensure the CCP’S monopoly on power and restore its legitimacy. Xi Jinping has used ideology and nationalis­m to achieve these goals. China’s assertiven­ess and aggression, as being witnessed in the South China Sea and the use of trade as economic weapons against Japan and the Philippine­s. Beijing has not hesitated to clash with Vietnam or the Philippine­s either as it tries to advance its maritime claims.

The 19th Party Congress in Beijing from October 18 to 24, 2017, further strengthen­ed Xi Jinping. It approved his grand plan for China’s developmen­t, first phase till 2030 and the second till 2050. These are the ‘China Dream’, including “rejuvenati­on of the great Chinese nation” by 2021 – the centenary of the CCP -- and making China a developed nation having “pioneering global influence” by 2049 – the 100th anniversar­y of the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) -- together called the ‘Two Hundreds’. The second phase envisages completion of the strategic geoeconomi­c ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI), which India has not endorsed. The Party Congress has incorporat­ed the BRI in the Party Constituti­on implying there will be greater pressure for its realisatio­n. Xi Jinping’s acolytes have been saying since 2013 that ‘China has begun a new 30-year era under Xi Jinping like those earlier of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping’!

In 2014, the Bjp-led government came to power in India with a huge mandate, which meant its foreign and strategic policies were no longer constraine­d by domestic politics. The new government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi moved confidentl­y to commence building military capabiliti­es and border defences. It rapidly engaged with neighbours like Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka to consolidat­e relations and encourage them to benefit from India’s economic growth. It offered them an alternativ­e to China’s increasing influ- ence. The new government also reinvigora­ted ties with the US, Japan and some European countries with the twin objectives of attracting capital and technology and giving India additional room for manoeuvre vis-à-vis China. Modi simultaneo­usly reached out to Beijing, making clear India’s desire for friendly ties and Chinese investment in various sectors.

In April 2015, Beijing announced the China-pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), shedding its decades-long ambiguity on the issue of Pakistan occupied Kashmir (POK), Gilgit and Baltistan and enhancing comprehens­ive support to Pakistan. China underscore­s this commitment by insisting in interactio­ns at government and non-government levels that India should ease tensions with Pakistan, resolve the Kashmir issue and then look to improved ties with China. It blocked India’s requests regarding terrorists at the UN Sanctions Committee and admission to the Nuclear Suppliers Group.

PM Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping have met an nine times. Relations, on the face of it, have been cordial. But the recent face-off at Doklam has cast a long shadow on the relationsh­ip. Articles in the Chinese state media instigatin­g anti-india sentiments indicate that China has not accepted the decision of August 28 for troops to disengage, lending uncertaint­y to the relationsh­ip in the short to near term.

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