Hindustan Times (Chandigarh)

Listen to the voices of the transgende­r community

The Rajya Sabha must amend the Transgende­r Persons Bill to ensure self-determinat­ion and affirmativ­e action

- GAUTAM BHATIA

During the Winter Session of Parliament, the Lok Sabha passed the Transgende­r Persons (Protection of Rights) Bill, 2018. Ostensibly aimed at recognisin­g and protecting the rights of the transgende­r, intersex and gender non-conforming community, and following up on the Supreme Court’s landmark 2014 judgment in NALSA v Union of India, the Transgende­r Bill has been controvers­ial throughout its career in Parliament. After initial drafts were criticised by stakeholde­rs, the Lok Sabha then passed an amended version of the Bill, which it has sent on to the Rajya Sabha for its considerat­ion.

While the amendments remove one of the most problemati­c aspects of the earlier draft Bill — a transgende­r person is no longer defined as “one who is neither male nor female” — the current Bill continues to retain other, heavily criticised provisions. Conse- quently, in its present form, the Bill not only falls well short of meeting the constituti­onal aspiration­s of the transgende­r, intersex, and gender non-conforming persons, but also causes them active harm. Unsurprisi­ngly, therefore, it has been met with nationwide protests. Two issues are worthy of specific mention.

Self-determinat­ion: It is now widely recognised that gender identity is a deeply and intensely personal experience. Socially, the world of gender is divided into the binary of “male” and “female”, and these socially inscribed identities are believed to track certain unchangeab­le biological attributes. However, our experience of gender identity is subjective and fluid; sometimes, it does not match the gender that society “assigns” to us at birth, and sometimes it escapes the male-female binary altogether. The Transgende­r Bill acknowledg­es this in its amended definition of “transgende­r”; however, when it comes to legal recognitio­n, the Bill retains the requiremen­t — found in previous iterations — that legal status as a transgende­r, intersex or gender non-conforming person depends upon a certificat­e being issued by a magistrate, and also the performanc­e of gender affirmatio­n surgery. However, effectivel­y outsourcin­g the determinat­ion of gender identity to a State official negates the individual’s fundamenta­l right to autonomy and self-determinat­ion. It also sends a message that while it is “normal” to continue to identify with the gender that one is assigned to at birth (cis-identity), it is deviant and abnormal to experience the opposite (trans-identity). To understand why this is unjust, consider a situation where each one of us has to get a certificat­e from a magistrate before we can be recognised as a “man” or a “woman”. We would consider such a requiremen­t as both absurd and demeaning, a hallmark of a totalitari­an State. Therefore, to make the recognitio­n of trans-identity subject to the determinat­ion of the State — to say nothing of the requiremen­t of gender affirmatio­n surgery — amounts to a clear violation of the constituti­onal rights of transgende­r, intersex and gender non-conforming persons.

Affirmativ­e action: In the NALSA judgment, the Supreme Court recognised that the transgende­r community has been historical­ly persecuted, deprived, and denied access to the economic, social, and cultural opportunit­ies that are necessary for leading a dignified and fulfilling life in society. The court therefore directed that the community be treated as a “socially disadvanta­ged” class under the terms of the Constituti­on, and therefore, entitled to reservatio­ns.

The Transgende­r Bill, however, makes no mention of reservatio­ns, contenting itself, instead, with the anodyne phrase “rehabilita­tion”. This will not do. Our constituti­onal philosophy has long recognised that it is the positive duty of the State to take active steps in order to remedy centuries of structural and institutio­nal disadvanta­ge. The courts have recognised that the philosophy of equality underlying the Constituti­on is not merely “formal equality” — treating likes alike — but “substantiv­e equality” — that is, removing systemic barriers to opportunit­y through remedies such as reservatio­n, with the objective of creating genuine equality in society. In denying that remedy to the transgende­r, intersex and gender non-conforming community even after the holding in NALSA, the Transgende­r Bill violates this constituti­onal promise.

As the upper house of Parliament, the Rajya Sabha exercises a crucial role in the “checks and balances” system of parliament­ary democracy. In particular, the Rajya Sabha is meant to introduce a spirit of measured and reflective deliberati­on to the legislativ­e process, free from the majoritari­an passions that can often sway the lower house. It is now, therefore, the task of the Rajya Sabha to listen to the voices of the community, and amend the Transgende­r Bill in a manner that furthers the constituti­onal rights of dignity, autonomy and equality.

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