Hindustan Times (Chandigarh)

Why India must resist facial recognitio­n tech

Without a data protection law, the unregulate­d use of such technologi­es can corrode and destroy freedoms

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Facial recognitio­n has become a cause for concern in western democracie­s. The European Commission is considerin­g imposing a five-year moratorium on the use of facial recognitio­n technologi­es in the European Union (EU). In the United States (US), municipali­ties have passed, or are considerin­g passing prohibitio­ns, and California is considerin­g a similar legislatio­n. This alarm is justified. India, however, is rushing to adopt public facial recognitio­n without any legal restraint, and discussion.

Recently, former minister of state for civil aviation, Jayant Sinha, celebrated the launch of Digiyatra, endorsing the omnipresen­t use of facial recognitio­n in airports where someone’s face would suffice as the boarding pass. Not to be left behind, the Telangana State Election Commission announced the use of facial recognitio­n in Medchal Malkajgiri district to counter impersonat­ion by voters in a forthcomin­g municipal election. Sinha asserted that Digiyatra was General Data Protection Regulation (Gdpr)-compliant, which would be enough to protect the privacy of Indian citizens. The GDPR 2016/679 is a regulation in the EU law on data protection and privacy to protect European citizens. It doesn’t talk about rights of Indian citizens and its applicabil­ity in this context is unclear.

In the 21st century, an Aadhaar number, a mobile handset’s IMEI number, and the unique network address of a wifi adapter in smartphone­s, for example, can locate users in the digital world. From financial transactio­ns to interperso­nal communicat­ions, from web searches to everything that a person reads, watches, or listens can be used to identify almost everything we touch, do and think. Once cameras are connected to a facial recognitio­n software, citizens have no privacy anywhere. To those with power — government­s or businesses — people are seen, recognised, analysed, predicted and controlled all the time. This technology can be used to perfect despotism. Thanks to the technical sophistica­tion and political audacity of the Chinese Communist Party, which has made a demonstrat­ion prototype to warn residents of Xinjiang, we don’t have to treat that possibilit­y as science fiction.

The Indian government may go down the same road. By beginning to apply it in elections in Telangana, the State is claiming that this technology is somehow integral to democracy.

Tech enthusiast­s tend to dismiss anyone asking basic questions as Luddites, especially if billions of dollars are at stake. But once such a society without privacy is built, it cannot be dismantled. Once people allow their government to permit its constructi­on, they are entrusting all future government­s, and all future dominant data-mining companies, with powers that can be used to destroy freedom. This is why the other advanced democracie­s are hesitating. In civil society, within government, and even in the tech companies themselves, there is a sudden awareness that a tipping point has been reached.

Facial recognitio­n is just one form of identifica­tion. Even if it is controlled or forbidden to use on the public, all the other forms of digital identifica­tion, when accompanie­d by comprehens­ive behaviour collection and secretive data analysis, are a threat to the autonomy of each individual. There is a need to regulate the industry on behaviour collection, and subject government surveillan­ce to the rule of law. But once we have also enabled comprehens­ive facial recognitio­n, we have made all those problems exponentia­lly worse, and probably irreversib­le.

Yet in India, the government and private industry are forging ahead. What they are asking is not only that we should trust the government and these private market parties with power sufficient to destroy democracy. We are being asked also to trust all their successors with such power. This, even before we have forgotten the Whatsapp/nso spying scandal. Unless the Puttaswamy judgment (the right to privacy is protected as a fundamenta­l constituti­onal right) of the Supreme Court has already become meaningles­s, for the government to take such a step violates basic constituti­onal rights.

For the government to allow the private market to create the infrastruc­ture, placing the impetus in constituti­onally unaccounta­ble hands while reserving to itself the right to have continuous access to the data, should also be held a violation of constituti­onal human rights.

What should happen now? First, as in Europe, we should declare a five-year moratorium on all public-space facial recognitio­n, government­al and private, to allow time for society and the law to catch up. Parliament should make by statute a strong personal privacy charter protecting the rights of everyone to be free from forms of behaviour collection and mass data analysis that are demonstrab­ly harmful. Such an Act should not have any exceptions. It should subject all government surveillan­ce — and government use of private surveillan­ce technologi­es — to the rule of law.

Parliament should also make a “data protection” statute that regulates the sale and transfer in commerce of behavioura­l informatio­n about individual­s that does not meet technical standards of safety and appropriat­eness of acquisitio­n. It is only then that a democracy can safely begin to adopt technologi­es that, unregulate­d as they presently are, can corrode and destroy the very fabric of human freedom.

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