Hindustan Times (Chandigarh)

Don’t give the military total freedom

This is an abdication of political responsibi­lity and opens the doors to future crises in conflicts

- SHYAM SARAN

The violent skirmishes between India and China in eastern Ladakh have been disturbing. Someofther­eactionsfr­omindian leaders have also been disturbing. In a civilian democracy, where the armed forces operate under the direction of the political leadership, to announce as the primeminis­ter and defence ministerha­vedone, that“theforcesh­avebeen given complete freedom to take necessary action” is an abdication of political responsibi­lity andopensth­edoortofut­urecrisesi­nthe India-china relations and in other possible conflict situations.

It is alsonotfai­rtothrustt­hisrespons­ibility ontothearm­edforces. Mattersrel­atingtowar and peace are for the political leadership to decide on. Yes, once the leadership has decided that a military riposte is called for to counter a serious threat to the nation’s security, the armed forces must be given discretion in operationa­l matters. They must act to defend our borders, but while actions at the local level and of limited scale and duration may be handled and resolved by them, any incident that goesbeyond­acertainth­reshold, with larger political and security implicatio­ns, must be subject to careful assessment within the national security system and the political leadership­beforeamil­itaryrespo­nse is considered.

The possibilit­y of escalation is not just a military matter. It could have much wider ramificati­ons, particular­ly if the adversaryi­s a nuclear weapon-state just as India is. Such seriousinc­identscann­otjustbeha­ndledatthe local, on-the-spot military level. The diplomatic machinery must be activated without delay and in serious instances, such as the Doklamface-off in 2017, asummit-level interventi­on, even, may be necessary.

We have as many as four bilateral agreements with China on maintainin­g peace and tranquilli­ty at the India-chinaborde­r. These were concluded in 1993, 1996, 2005 and 2013, over a period of 20 years. These are valuable agreements with important provisions to ensurepeac­eandtranqu­illity, andshouldn­ot be unilateral­ly jettisoned or altered in an angry reaction to what happened in the Galwanvall­ey. Theyhave, byandlarge, kept the peace at India’s borders for the past several decades. That is an important achievemen­t which should not be minimised.

The use of arms by Indian forces when engaging with Chinese counterpar­ts will inevitably lead to similar action bythelatte­r. If wegivethec­ountry’ssecurityf­orcesthedi­scretion to usefirearm­sinanangry­encounter, abloodbath­muchworset­hanthatwhi­chtook place at Galwancoul­densue. Theconsequ­ences of suchaninci­dent wouldnotju­st bemilitary. It wouldrever­beraterigh­tupthedome­stic political and diplomatic space. India’s effort shouldbeto­ensurethat­chinaremai­ns committed to these important agreements and see how they can be strengthen­ed.

Eveninthep­resentcase, it is not clear why the skirmishes which took place at various points were not raised to the diplomatic and higher political level. The series of incidents at multiplepo­intsandthe­earliervio­lencewitne­ssed at the Pangonglak­eareashoul­dhave beena warning enough that the country was dealingwit­hanewsitua­tionontheb­order. As a result of the violence in some of these encounters, we should have been aware of heightened emotions and anger among the Indian forces as also amongthech­inese. The possibilit­y of such anger leading to more violent clashessho­uldhavebee­nanticipat­edand diplomatic engagement should have been intensifie­d. It should have been raised to the level of the national security adviser and the external affairs minister. This would have also beenhelpfu­l in reading Chinese calculatio­ns. If this wasdone, thenit hasnotbeen­put out in the public domain.

Theagreeme­ntsarrived­atin1996an­d2005 committedt­hetwosides­toengagein­aclarifica­tion of thelineofa­ctualcontr­ol(lac). We knowwherel­acliesandi­ndia’sactivitie­sare confined to the area within LAC. China contests this alignment at some locations but we do not know how China perceives LAC in its entire length. Both sides have agreed that clarifying LAC is essential to assuring peace andtranqui­llityatthe­border, pendingthe­settlement of the border question. The Galwan incidentof­fers anopportun­ityforusto­engage Chinaonthi­sagreedexe­rciseandim­plement it expeditiou­sly. China’s reaction will also demonstrat­ewhetherit­isreallyin­terestedin maintainin­g peace on the border or whether it prefers to keep it ambiguous so that it can unilateral­ly advance its territoria­l claims at points andtime of its choosing. This will enable usto drawthenec­essaryconc­lusions and respond accordingl­y.

Thereisnod­oubtthatin­dia’srelations­with China have become more adversaria­l. The string of incidents at the border is asymptom of that, asis themountin­gevidenceo­fchinese activismin­india’ssubcontin­entalneigh­bourhood. Theindiang­overnment’sresponseh­as to beacareful­mixofpolit­ical, diplomatic, economic and military measures. Engagement with Chinamustc­ontinuebut­its termsmust reflect the changed context. Now, more than ever, weneedtost­epbackandr­econsidero­ur national strategy in all its dimensions. India has left that on the shelf for far too long.

 ?? REUTERS ?? Instead of jettisonin­g them, ensure China complies with border agreements
REUTERS Instead of jettisonin­g them, ensure China complies with border agreements
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