Hindustan Times (Delhi)

The Right is mangling Indian nationalis­m

The citizens must reclaim and reinterpre­t our inclusive spirit, or the country risks turning into a theocratic State

- Abhishek Singhvi is an MP and the national spokespers­on of the Congress The views expressed are personal Inner Voice comprises contributi­ons from our readers. The views expressed are personal innervoice@hindustant­imes.com

Seventy-two years ago in 1945, Delhi’s winter air was pierced by the cries of ‘Lal Qile se aaee awaz, Sahgal Dhillon Shah Nawaz, Teenon ki ho umar daraz’. The three Indian National Army (INA) officers from three religions — Shahnawaz Khan, Prem Sahgal and Gurbaksh Dhillon — were part of the 1945 INA trials. They were tried for treason by the British government and defended by four legal luminaries: Bhulabhai Desai, Tej Bahadur Sapru, Kailash Nath Katju and Jawaharlal Nehru. The INA trial united the nation and ignited the spirit of Indian nationalis­m, a rare breed of nationalis­m that is inclusive and liberal. It draws inspiratio­n from Ashoka’s dharma, Akbar’s syncretism, Rabindrana­th Tagore’s humanism. Above all, it is shaped by the Mahatma’s political leadership and his strong moral force.

The major proponents of Indian nationalis­m were: Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bhagat Singh, Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Netaji Subhas Bose, Maulana Azad and Sardar Patel. Each had their own point of view on the issue, but all of them acknowledg­ed and practised broad-spectrum nationalis­m. This was rare in a world that is littered with examples of nationalis­m gone astray: Germany, Italy, North Korea and Yugoslavia. Adolf Hitler owed his rise in Germany to the exploitati­on of distorted nationalis­m and Benito Mussolini to its misguided version. Yugoslavia’s breakup into six republics and the pogroms that followed can be traced to the same disease.

Indian nationalis­m survived the divisive acts of the proponents of the two-nation theory. The British created a fertile ground for the rise of Hindu and Muslim nationalis­m to counter Indian nationalis­m, through their ‘divide-and-rule’ policy. Pakistan is a byproduct of Muslim nationalis­m. India’s success in comparison to Pakistan is a reflection of the moral and political superiorit­y of Indian nationalis­m. The spirit of Indian nationalis­m was embodied in the distinguis­hes the successful from the unsuccessf­ul. One must have loads of patience to put up with initial disappoint­ments, setbacks and, at times, even criticism and discouragi­ng remarks of others. The people who succeed are those who get up and look for the circumstan­ces they want to achieve success and, more importantl­y, if they cannot find them, make them. And here, it is perseveran­ce which makes those circumstan­ces happen.

Undoubtedl­y, success is never the result of spontaneou­s combustion. If we want to Indian freedom movement, led by the Indian National Congress (INC). This brand of nationalis­m triumphed over the Muslim League (ML) as represente­d by MA Jinnah, and Hindutva, as shaped by MS Gowalkar and V Savarkar, the ideologica­l founders of the sangh parivar.

Today, India’s nationalis­m is under threat again from within. The rise of Hindu nationalis­m has muddied the waters and mangled the inclusive spirit of nationalis­m in India. One wonders how Indian nationalis­m became associated with superficia­l concerns for the cow, enforcemen­t of the national song and anthem as a demonstrat­ion of patriotism. Will quality of governance improve by invoking the national song twice a day? Will academic and infrastruc­ture standards of the Dyal Singh College (evening) improve by renaming it Vande Mataram College?

The positive spirit of patriotism is now truly being misused. Soldiers at the border are invoked as a shield for any legitimate inquiry into NDA government’s governance record. A government’s job should not be to distribute certificat­es of anti-nationalis­m selectivel­y to thinking and questionin­g citizens, irrespecti­ve of their ideologies.

To highlight the Centre’s failures (for example, the failure of our security apparatus in Pathankot and Uri) is to be anti-national. These distortion­s are having a snowball effect. The reciprocal rise of Muslim extremism is an inevitable consequenc­e. A taunt for taunt, a provocatio­n for a provocatio­n and, in Gandhian idiom, an eye for an eye, will soon leave India blind. The judiciary has not helped matters. The Prevention of Insults to National Honour Act, 1971, has been in existence for many years. Yet arbitrary orders on the national anthem have only created confusion. Parliament­ary action reflecting the only constituti­onally ordained will of the people has been enfeebled if not nullified.

Indian nationalis­m must be reinvigora­ted by stressing on three pillars: Constituti­onalism (respect for the Constituti­on, due process, and rule of law), pluralism (respect and preservati­on of India’s diversity, for the ethos of Bharata, the idea of India) and humanism (respect and promotion of insaaniyat). The choice is clear: Either we build India of our dreams as envisioned by our founding fathers by reclaiming and reinterpre­ting Indian nationalis­m or we risk turning into a theocratic State.

It was Tagore who warned us: “I will never buy glass for the price of diamonds, and I will never allow patriotism to triumph over humanity.”

INDIA’S SUCCESS IN COMPARISON TO PAKISTAN IS A REFLECTION OF THE MORAL AND POLITICAL SUPERIORIT­Y OF INDIAN NATIONALIS­M

emulate the achievemen­ts of successful people, we should be determined enough to overcome obstacles. English essayist and poet Samuel Johnson had said, “If your determinat­ion is fixed, I do not counsel you to despair. Great works are performed not by strength but perseveran­ce.’ Always remember that with ordinary talent and extraordin­ary perseveran­ce, all things are attainable.

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