Hindustan Times (Delhi)

What if China, Bhutan strike deal: Rahul to House panel

- Saubhadra Chatterji and Rahul Singh letters@hindustant­imes.com

NEW DELHI: India’s diplomatic efforts paid off in the Doklam row, the government told a House panel on Thursday, even as the Centre said it was looking closely at engagement­s between China and Bhutan, parliament­ary sources said.

According to people present at the meeting of the parliament­ary panel on external affairs, Congress president Rahul Gandhi asked foreign secretary Vijay Gokhale about the possibilit­ies of China and Bhutan making their own land-swapping deal, with Bhutan giving away crucial parts of Doklam to its northern neigh- bour. Gandhi wanted to know if New Delhi was aware of the engagement­s between China and Bhutan, to which the foreign secretary answered in the affirmativ­e, but added that India did not see any possibilit­y of such a land deal in the near future.

At the meeting on the ‘Sino-india Relations including Doklam, border situation and cooperatio­n in internatio­nal organisati­ons’, the panel invited retired army chief General Deepak Kapoor, former diplomat Nalin Surie and retired Colonel Vinayak Bhat to give evidence on the issue.

Members such as Md Salim of the CPI(M) pointed to media reports on the constructi­on work carried out by the Chinese military in the Doklam area, which witnessed a 73-day standoff between India and China.

According to members at the meeting, government officials pointed out that the constructi­ons were not happening in the disputed area but in the Chinese territory. “We are aware of the developmen­ts but our diplomatic efforts have paid off. After July 2017, no standoff has taken place in Doklam,” they said.

Indian experts said a Doklamlike situation along the Sikkim border was likely to be the new normal, a defence think tank has observed, making a strong case for building military capabiliti­es as China respects strength.

In a new paper titled Looking Beyond Doklam, the Centre for Joint Warfare Studies (CENJOWS), a think tank set up by the defence ministry a decade ago, said it was crucial for India to demonstrat­e strength as peace along the disputed border or Line of Actual Control (LAC) would be “constantly and continuous­ly” under stress with “increase in frequency, intensity and depth of (Chinese) transgress­ions leading to more and more standoffs”, the foreign ministry told the panel.

Last year, China had accused India of trespassin­g and preventing its troops from building a road in the remote Himalayan plateau that is claimed by both China and Bhutan. The standoff ended with withdrawal of troops and China removing road-building equipment. “Doklam was definitely different from Chumar (2014) and Depsang (2013), as China resorted to an informatio­n war, exploiting both the Chinese media and also investing in the Indian media,” CENJOWS director Lieutenant General (retd) Vinod Bhatia wrote in the paper.

Bhatia was the director general of military operations when India and China were locked in a tense border standoff at Depsang in Ladakh four years ago. NEW DELHI: Earlier this week, Nepal’s two communist parties — Prime Minister KP Oli-led Communist Party of Nepal (UML) and Prachanda-led Maoists — agreed to merge. They had fought elections together last November-december. They had won a resounding mandate. And with the proposed merger, the new Communist Party will become Nepal’s most powerful in decades — with parliament­ary strength, organisati­onal depth, and penetratio­n in all spheres of state and society.

This alliance, and the merger, has strong Chinese backing. Here is the twist. India did not want the alliance to happen, or the alliance to win the elections, or the merger. It could do little to stop any of the three developmen­ts. To understand the scale of shift we are witnessing in Nepal, let’s rewind 13 years.

It was in Delhi that the most unlikely of political alliances was struck in 2005. India facilitate­d a dialogue between democratic political parties and Maoists, and supported a movement that ousted an autocratic monarch. China barely figured within the Nepali political theatre at a time of such a historic change. The two different alliances i n 2005 (between parties and Maoists, backed by India) and 2017-18 (between Communists, backed by China) reveal the biggest departure that has taken place in the last decade in Nepal. China is today an actor in Nepal’s internal politics. It has preference­s. It invests political and financial capital to shape outcomes. And it has left India with limited room to get its way.

THE CHINESE PUSH

Why has China expanded its

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Rahul Gandhi

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