Hindustan Times (Delhi)

BJP strike rate drops in both rural, urban areas

- Neelanjan Sircar letters@hindustant­imes.com (The writer is assistant professor at Ashoka university)

NEWDELHI: The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) lost three the key Hindi belt states of Chhattisga­rh, Madhya Pradesh (MP), and Rajasthan in these elections. But what do these results say about the upcoming 2019 national election?

During the Modi wave in 2014, the BJP achieved a highly geographic­ally concentrat­ed victory, sweeping much of the Hindi belt, to win 282 seats (out of a total of 543) on just 31% vote share. In order for the BJP to come back to power, it will likely need a commanding performanc­e in the Hindi belt again. Indeed, in Chhattisga­rh, MP, and Rajasthan, the BJP won 62 out of 65 parliament­ary constituen­cies (PCS) in 2014 — 22% of the 282 seats it won in the election.

The BJP also won these three states handily in the previous state elections in 2013, whose results correspond­ed highly with those in the national elections. In 2013, the BJP won 49 seats (out of 90) in Chhattisga­rh, 165 (out of 230) seats in MP, and 163 (out of 200) in Rajasthan. At the assembly constituen­cy level in the 2014 general election, the BJP won 72, 192, and 180 in Chhattisga­rh, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan, respective­ly. While the BJP performed better in 2014, the sweeps in 2013 (particular­ly in MP and Rajasthan) foretold what was coming in 2014.

So, will 2019 mirror 2018? It depends. To the extent that disenchant­ment with the BJP is driven by local factors, it should do little to diminish the aura of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. But if these losses are connected to a larger national narrative, then the BJP has reason to worry. As a first cut one can look at the relative performanc­e of the BJP in 2013 and 2018 in urban and rural areas in these three states to see if disenchant­ment with the BJP is restricted to rural areas where it is typically weaker.

SURAVARAM SUDHAKAR REDDY, CPI general secretary

Using the data from the most recent Indian Census (2011) broken down to the assembly constituen­cy (AC) level in these three states, and characteri­sing an AC as “urban” if it has less than 30,000 rural citizens and as “rural” if it has more than 200,000 rural citizens (a typical constituen­cy has approximat­ely 400,000 citizens), about 9 % of ACS are urban constituen­cies and about 77%, rural (the rest are semi-rural).

The BJP’S strike rate (the percentage of seats it wins among those it is contesting) across both urban and rural constituen­cies in these three states has fallen between 2013 and 2018. Clearly, the BJP’S losses point to a much larger narrative than rural disenchant­ment. (See figure 1)

At the same time, it is important to note that rural areas are not synonymous with farmers. Much of rural India commutes to cities or works in some other form of labour. Recently, farmer distress has been in the news, with significan­t drops in agricultur­al procuremen­t prices, increases in the price of diesel, and lingering effects of demonetisa­tion.

Characteri­sing a rural constituen­cy as “agricultur­al” if more than 20% of the population is engaged i n agricultur­al labour or cultivatio­n, it emerges that about 90% of the rural constituen­cies in Chhattisga­rh and Madhya Pradesh are agricultur­al, while about 70% in Rajasthan are. Figure 2 displays the strike rates for the BJP in 2013 and 2018 across the three states in agricultur­al and non-agricultur­al constituen­cies.

The erosion of support for the BJP in agricultur­al constituen­cies is very noticeable. (See figure 2 )

The results spell trouble for the BJP. In Gujarat, too, there was a significan­t erosion of support among farmers, but the BJP largely held its urban vote banks and won the state. But Gujarat is a highly urbanised state, while much of the Hindi belt is still engaged in agricultur­e and a party cannot hope to win these states without significan­t support from the farming community.

More worryingly for the BJP, its erosion of support seems to have spread to urban areas as well. This shows that disenchant­ment with the BJP cuts across demographi­c groups. If the BJP is to return to power in 2019, it will have to find a way to win back the Hindi belt -quickly.

NAVEEN PATNAIK, Odisha CM

 ?? HT FILE ?? About 90% of the rural constituen­cies in Chhattisga­rh and Madhya Pradesh and 70% in Rajasthan are agricultur­al.
HT FILE About 90% of the rural constituen­cies in Chhattisga­rh and Madhya Pradesh and 70% in Rajasthan are agricultur­al.

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