Hindustan Times (Delhi)

Public interest can’t be an additional ground to restrict free speech

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In a recent decision, a division bench in the Bombay High Court (HC) exercised a power that vests solely with Parliament; it, in effect, amended the Constituti­on. Specifical­ly, the judges introduced an additional restrictio­n to the fundamenta­l right to free speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a).

The matter involved nine petitions that challenged Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) regulation­s in broadcasti­ng (full disclosure — I work with broadcaste­rs). The thrust of the petitioner­s’ argument was that TRAI’S economic regulation­s restrict the circulatio­n of broadcaste­r programmin­g, violating the broadcaste­r’s right to disseminat­e and consumer’s right to receive informatio­n, both of which are core components of the right to free speech.

The Bombay HC, however, held that “public interest” serves as an additional ground on which the

State may issue diktats to restrict free speech. This is problemati­c on three counts.

First, the HC oversteppe­d its jurisdicti­on and stepped onto turf reserved for democratic­ally elected legislator­s. A primary duty of the judiciary is to interpret laws, not create them.

Second, by reading in a vague notion such as public interest as a valid restrictio­n on free speech in broadcasti­ng, the court paved the way for greater State interferen­ce in television content, particular­ly news. As such, it failed to uphold the rights of citizens and operate as a check against abuses of State power.

Public interest is a fluid construct in Indian legal parlance, it is not defined, and it finds mention across a host of statutes, often justifying the more non-transparen­t elements of governance. For instance, Section 8 of the Right to Informatio­n Act uses public interest as a ground for the State to withhold informatio­n. Article 22 of the Constituti­on allows authoritie­s issuing orders regarding preventive detention to maintain confidenti­ality about any facts related to such orders that it considers to be against the public interest.

The absence of a definition of public interest in legislatio­n means that it falls to the judiciary to imbue it with meaning. However, courts tend to test public interest on a caseby-case basis.

In Central Public Informatio­n Officer, Supreme Court of India v Subhash Chandra Agarwal, related to Right to Informatio­n requests made to courts on the collegium process, judges’ asset declaratio­ns, and judicial elevations, the court held that informatio­n officers must determine what constitute­s public interest.

In addition, it re-emphasised and cherrypick­ed wide statutory grounds for the State to withhold informatio­n from the public, including breach of confidenti­ality and fiduciary responsibi­lities. What follows is that the concept of public interest is often employed to protect the interests of powerful individual­s and institutio­ns.

Third, the Bombay HC did not adhere to the judicial precedent on the matter of reading public interest as an implicit restrictio­n on free speech. The Supreme Court (SC) has remained mindful of the political dimensions of public interest and what might result if it allowed the State to restrict free speech on this ground. While the right to free speech in India is not absolute and comes with certain riders expressly listed under Article 19(2) of the Constituti­on, public interest never operated as a legitimate restrictio­n on it. Article 19(2) does not mention it and the courts do not permit its entry as an implicit restrictio­n on Article 19(1)(a).

In Indian Express Newspapers vs Union of India, for instance, the SC observed that the framers of the Constituti­on deliberate­ly omitted public interest from 19(2) to ensure that the State did not hold the right to free speech ransom when it wished to impose excessive burdens on the press.

Rather than make a rational decision guided by constituti­onal principles, in this case, the Bombay HC, with due respect, usurped the jurisdicti­on of the legislatur­e, failed to uphold press freedom on television, and disregarde­d the precedent set down by higher courts. The order merits wider discussion and a review.

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