Hindustan Times (Jalandhar)

POLL CODE DOESN’T HIT WORK: PANEL

VIEW Last year, PM had blamed the rules for stalling work and proposed simultaneo­us polls

- Smriti Kak Ramachandr­an letters@hindustant­imes.com

NEWDELHI: Implementa­tion of the model code of conduct slowing down the government business has been cited as a motive for switching to simultaneo­us elections to Parliament and state assemblies. However, data from the election commission on the rate of disposal of proposals from government shows the perception is erroneous.

The model code is enforced as soon as elections are announced. Under the rules, the government is barred from making any announceme­nt that can impact poll outcome in election-bound states and disturb the level playing field.

According to the EC data, 179 proposals were received between January 4 and March 2 by the poll panel, of which 24 proposals were cleared the same day, while 34 proposals (18.99 % ) were dealt within one day and 39 ( 21.78%) were cleared in two days. Only 29 proposals which required detailed deliberati­ons were cleared in five days or more.

The model code of conduct has been enforced from January 4 on account of assembly polls in Punjab, Uttarakhan­d, Goa, Manipur and Uttar Pradesh.

Batting for simultaneo­us elections to the state assemblies and Parliament, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had in 2016 indicated that frequent implementa­tion of the model code of conduct stalls government work.

“Earlier, we used to face the electorate once in five years… But these days, at times, we even face the electorate three-four times in five years due to frequent elections,” he said delivering his valedictor­y address at the joint conference of chief justices of high courts and chief ministers.

Hinting at the model code affecting the government business, the PM said, “For 40-50 days, the decision-making process in the government is stalled due to the model code of conduct”.

Poll panel sources, however, say the impression is not quite right.

As per the rules, proposals for approval under the model code of conduct are put up for necessary permission­s within three hours of receipt. All government decisions and announceme­nts are submitted to the EC for vetting to rule of violations of the the model code of conduct.

During the current assembly polls in the five states, the EC received maximum 12 proposals from the ministry of health and family welfare, 10 from drinking water and sanitation, followed by nine from the rural developmen­t ministry.

In 15 cases, the poll panel advised the ministries and department­s to defer the proposals till completion of the elections.

For instance, Niti Aayog was asked to defer release of ₹79.83 crore to poll-bound UP as onetime grant towards an earlier sanctioned project under the Bundelkhan­d Package in 2016-17.

The rural developmen­t ministry too was asked to put off the release of the first instalment to Goa under the Pradhan Mantri

IT WON’T BE ENOUGH TO JUST CREATE A NEW LAW ABOUT POLLING. A FEW WEEKS AGO, THE SUPREME COURT HAD DIRECTED THAT RELIGION AND CASTE SHOULD NOT BE EXPLOITED DURING ELECTION SEASON

During the assembly elections of 2017, I have dedicated the last four series of my column Straightfo­rward to the subjects of injustice with small states, the ferment in the Muslim mind, discrimina­tion against women and the severe shortage of drinking water. These critical issues are unfortunat­ely missing from our political discourse. As the final chapter of this train of thought, I want to shed light on those attitudes that are not just harmful for a democracy but are closely linked with the shattered dreams of three generation­s.

Let me begin on a personal note. When my father named his firstborn which is me, he desisted from expressing his caste identity. My siblings, who were born later, were also named like this. He had thought that by the time his children grew up, the concept of a caste-less society would have been well-entrenched in the country and his family would have made its own, humble contributi­on towards it. Along with him, his friends and contempora­ries were busy weaving such sentimenta­l dreams.

In my endeavour to understand these assembly elections, as I roamed from village to village and from one town to another, I remembered my father’s commitment. Even today, he gets agitated over casteism, but what can one do? One of my Muslim friends once said something very profound: “What else do the fundamenta­lists expect from us? After coming to India, Muslims have adopted the caste system, learnt to sing and dance and some of them have even begun taking dowry.” My friend was stating a reality. It is a bitter truth that every community living in India has adopted the caste system at one level or the other.

Recently, when I asked people in one of the many parched villages of Bundelkhan­d who was winning there, they aired their views without hesitation. The ground reality was poignant. People said more than 50,000 voters, from a particular caste, were faithful to a prominent politician of the area. This candidate has calculated that if the voters from his caste align with this vote-bank, he’ll win the elections. For this he had no qualms about spending as much money as is required. The human race has always displayed a soft corner for its own family, region, language and traditions. The cunning try and cash in on such emotions. Politician­s should try and create equilibriu­m between sections of society. But they widen these gaps for selfish gains.

Cutting across party lines, these assembly elections are also propagatin­g the evil of dynastic politics. Even those parties which opposed it at one time have fallen victim to it. Families whose ancestral business is politics are flourishin­g in Uttarakhan­d and other states as well. Regional satraps have aligned with national parties such as the Congress and the BJP at the local level. What can one expect from those people’s representa­tives who are serious about the fortunes of their own family members rather than their voters? The pro- liferation of dynastic politics has blocked the progress of nonpedigre­ed party workers and encouraged feudal politics.

One more thing, the kind of discourse the tallest leaders have stooped to, in order to win elections is not a good omen for our democracy. From making divisive statements to personal remarks, every hateful tactic that can be adopted, is being used. A saying in the Hindi belt goes that the water and dialect change every 10 kilometres. You may have noticed that the politician­s’ statements are becoming bitter and bitter with every advancing phase of the assembly elections. People with evolved sensibilit­ies have been driven to despair. They are praying that the elections should get over soon so that they get freedom from this mud-slinging.

Another question that is being asked: Why are these politician­s allowed to play with our sentiments for months together? If elections to the Uttarakhan­d, Goa and Punjab assemblies could be completed in just one day, why couldn’t Uttar Pradesh’s polls be finished in three or four phases? Another major reason to raise this question is that from village panchayats to the Lok Sabha, we hold so many elections that we have to grapple with this public mud-slinging every few months. Clearly, we need to understand, analyse and improve our electoral mechanism once again.

Still, it won’t be enough to just create a new law about elections. A few weeks ago, the honourable Supreme Court directed that religion and caste should not be exploited during elections. Is it happening? The answer to this question hides in its folds the secrets behind the rot in Indian democracy. We cannot stay oblivious to this.

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 ?? ARUN SHARMA/HT ?? Voters at a polling station in Ayodhya, Feb 27. Why couldn’t the assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh be completed in three or four phases?
ARUN SHARMA/HT Voters at a polling station in Ayodhya, Feb 27. Why couldn’t the assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh be completed in three or four phases?
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