Hindustan Times (Jalandhar)

US exit from Paris accord won’t thwart India’s energy ambitions

The American president’s decision is highly unfortunat­e, but it doesn’t close the door entirely

- ARUNABHA GHOSH

In his 27-minute speech announcing the US withdrawal from the Paris agreement on climate change, President Trump mentioned India only twice (well, thrice, but the third time was a repeat for rhetorical effect). The dumbed down message was: India was a big polluter, India was not doing and was not expected to do much on climate change under the Agreement, and India was asking for lots of money in return for little action. These are, of course, misleading statements – and unfortunat­e. Meanwhile, a trip is being planned for Prime Minister Modi to visit the United States in the very near future. Rather than impulsivel­y reacting to this provocatio­n, India must clinically examine the breadth and depth of its energy and climate relationsh­ip with the United States to decide which areas of cooperatio­n, if any, still hold promise.

So far, the India-U.S. relationsh­ip can be characteri­sed by the good, the bad, and the undecided. On the plus side, despite their difference­s, the two countries found common ground on three internatio­nal agreements on climate change (in Paris, under the Montreal Protocol to phase out hydrofluor­ocarbons, and measures to curb emissions under the Internatio­nal Civil Aviation Organisati­on). Bilaterall­y, they launched numerous programmes on energy access, and establishe­d joint funds to push energy R&D. The negatives include contentiou­s issues such as differenti­ation between countries’ responsibi­lities and capabiliti­es under the Paris Agreement, how financial contributi­ons would be counted, and several trade disputes on clean energy. Further, it is unclear how the U.S. withdrawal would immediatel­y impact bilateral energy programmes, joint investment­s, and investor confidence. Prime Minister Modi’s visit is an opportunit­y to discuss four aspects of the energy/climate relationsh­ip.

First, energy prices will matter for any long-term contracts. GAIL is contracted to purchase 5.8 million metric tonnes per annum (MMTPA) of liquefied natural gas (LNG) from two U.S. terminals. But the landed price of the gas will be higher than from sources in West Asia or Africa. That said, by 2020, India will have the capacity to import 50 MMTPA of gas. If the price were right, in principle there would be a lot of scope for additional gas imports (in fact, up to 88% of projected net LNG exports from the United States). Equally, last month India signalled its continued ambitions on nuclear energy by sanctionin­g ten indigenous reactors (a total of 7000 MW). This June, the contracts for the purchase of six Westinghou­se reactors were to be finalised but that will be delayed until the bankrupt Westinghou­se finds a new buyer. As cleaner energy sources, both gas and nuclear could offer benefits for both countries, but fuel exporters and technology providers would have to cut their costs.

Second, energy efficiency offers huge technologi­cal and commercial opportunit­ies. If India’s high economic growth rates have to be maintained within a shrinking carbon space, energy efficiency will matter in the industrial, transport and buildings sectors. Currently, only large industrial units are covered under countrywid­e energy efficiency schemes. However, micro, small and medium enterprise­s (numbering over 3 million and located in 200 industrial clusters) have a non-trivial share of industrial energy use (about 14%-15%). India’s space cooling needs will grow five-fold in two decades, again offering scope for Indian and U.S. firms to collaborat­e on technologi­es. Growing transporta­tion demand will mean an expanding market for batteries for electric vehicles, fuel cells and third-generation biofuels. None of these market opportunit­ies require the Paris Agreement per se.

Third, energy security matters for both countries. India and the United States need to raise the dialogue on maritime security cooperatio­n in the Indian Ocean region, to ensure security of energy supply routes. Another emerging area of concern is the security of the electricit­y grid against cyber attacks. There is already a joint programme on transformi­ng India’s grid. Grid stability and cybersecur­ity could offer a sustained basis for cooperatio­n, technology exchange and commercial investment.

Fourth, the uncertaint­y in U.S. federal policies towards renewable energy has made India’s renewable energy market relatively even more attractive, not just for its size (175 GW by 2022) but for the investment opportunit­y that credible, long-term policies offer. India saw nearly $10 billion invested both in 2015 and in 2016, in renewable energy projects. Last year, $1.9 billion of green bonds were issued. India’s solar targets, alone, need $100 billion of debt. These are huge investment opportunit­ies for U.S.-based firms, as well as manufactur­ers.

The past decade had many instances of transforma­tional deals (bilateral and multilater­al) for India and the United States President Trump’s announceme­nt on the Paris agreement is highly unfortunat­e, but does not close the door completely. There are still many avenues to continue transactin­g The negotiatio­ns will be tough but, as a businessma­n, Mr Trump should know a good deal when he sees one.

Arunabha Ghosh is CEO, Council on Energy Environmen­t and Wate The views expressed are persona

 ??  ?? In his speech announcing the US withdrawal from the Paris agreement, Trump claimed India was not expected to do much on climate change. This is a misleading statement GETTY IMAGES
In his speech announcing the US withdrawal from the Paris agreement, Trump claimed India was not expected to do much on climate change. This is a misleading statement GETTY IMAGES
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