A polarised United States benefits Donald Trump
The quarter or third of Americans who steadfastly support his administration is unlikely to be upset by his behaviour
L iving in New York, I’ve attempted to remove myself from the cycle of indignation, outrage, and resignation that seems to greet every action of United States President Donald Trump. His routine conduct has been, at best, embarrassing and, at worst, unprecedented in its incompetence and cruelty. It can be taxing constantly feeling this furious. Why let an insensitive or hypocritical tweet get you hot under the collar when you know another one is probably working its way through the rusting pipes of Trump’s brain?
Recently, Trump insulted Native Americans in the midst of a ceremony meant to honour their role during World War II. His childish salvos at North Korea have amplified the possibility of war, and his carte blanche support for Saudi Arabia may make West Asia more volatile.
But Trump tweets on November 29 pushed me from frustration to despair. Without any prompting, the president chose to ‘retweet’ three Islamophobic videos posted by a hateful, far-Right group in the United Kingdom called Britain First. They crudely try to paint all Muslims as a threat to western societies.
The same account retweeted by Trump has in the past posted videos of Pakistani Britons celebrating a cricket victory, claiming that those brown-skinned men were cheering a terrorist attack in Paris. Britain First regularly conducts ‘Christian patrols’ where they march through Muslim neighbourhoods while carrying crosses.
Despite widespread condemnation, the White House has not apologised for or retracted those tweets. When it was brought to her attention that at least one of the retweeted videos was ‘fake’, the White House spokeswoman gave an astonishing response. “Whether it’s a real video, the threat is real.”
For an administration quick to describe criticism as ‘fake news’, it’s telling that they are unapologetic about using crude, malicious propaganda. Trump’s political standing depends on inflating the Muslim threat.
Trump does benefit from his gaffes. With the investigation of his campaign’s ties to Russia intensifying, without any significant legislative achievements, and with his approval ratings at record lows, the furore produced by his intemperate statements distracts public attention.
The quarter or third of Americans who support his administration are unlikely to be upset by his behaviour. Indeed, they enjoy the indignation of the press. Trump’s incitement helps polarise Americans and strengthen his base of support. As his administration continues to struggle, it is likely that he will further fan the flames of white nationalism and channel this politics of hate.