Hindustan Times (Jalandhar)

Pakistan’s Kashmir aspiration­s hinge on the alienation of the Valley

Their objective is to make us extrapolat­e the actions of a few as the stereotype of millions. We must not allow it

- RAGHU RAMAN Raghu Raman is former CEO, NATGRID The views expressed are personal

The Pulwama attack is strategic and initiated by the Pakistani deep state with or without the tacit blessings of the Pakistani army and China. Our response options are limited. We don’t have adequate force levels to launch a convention­al war, since we would also have to factor the Chinese sabre rattling in the North East. A surgical strike is out of the question, as we don’t have the element of surprise and with the effectiven­ess of a PMO-monitored strike having been punctured, another attempt would have negative value, especially if any Special Forces are captured alive.

We have the military option of “limited recce in force” ( pushing forth in certain border areas with an objective of dominating or capturing pieces of land). Another option is pummeling the line of control with incessant artillery fire. But this will have little effect on the deep state leadership. Instead, it will swell the ranks of militants from the valley, as the artillery will cause collateral damage. Air interdicti­on on terror camps is largely ineffectua­l. Both sides will claim victory but Pakistan will retain the initiative. It just has to activate another attack to show the air interdicti­on as ineffectua­l. India cannot up the ante without increasing the threshold to theatre level battle at the minimum, at which stage the nuclear card will be shuffled.

Even if we do launch an offensive, calling Pakistan’s nuclear bluff, we end up being the loser. Pakistan is living from dole to dole. Its power centres are struggling for control. A novice prime minister, no matter how wellmeanin­g, is buffeted among conflictin­g forces. The Pakistani military’s radical faction views business-oriented generals as soft towards India and will power towards an escalation, right until the nuclear threshold, necessitat­ing the US and Chinese interventi­on and internal power rearrangem­ents.

When the dust settles, Pakistan will be worse off, but that would be of little consolatio­n to us. We will spend inordinate resources on strengthen­ing our war machinery instead of other nation building initiative­s. Our economic progress will be crippled for decades. Loss of human life will be incalculab­le. The big five — the US, France, the UK, Russia and China — will gain in terms of influence and weapon sales. China will have the additional benefit of increasing its strangleho­ld on Pakistan and the subcontine­nt. Ironically, we stand to lose far more in a conflict with Pakistan notwithsta­nding the ambition of dismemberi­ng that country. Any such event will only open a Pandora’s box for the region.

However, unless we respond, we will not shape a long-term solution, even if that solution is an uneasy peace. Peace, even uneasy, is better than war, which can’t end a conflict.

To defeat a guerilla strategy, we must address the root of the hydra, not its head. This is difficult but doable. A terror outfit is the manifestat­ion of its political, operationa­l and ideologica­l leaders. The actual suicide bombers are mere pawns. Social inclusion will not stem that flow, as can be seen by the ISIS recruits from first world countries. No single vector will reduce terrorism. Instead, it has to be an integrated combinatio­n of many steps.

The first of these steps is political and economic isolation of Pakistan. There isn’t much room for play here. China will continue to bail it out economical­ly, but this move strengthen­s the anti-China faction within Pakistan. There is intense push back within Pakistan against the increasing influence of China in Pakistani policymaki­ng. The second move is to target the Pakistani deep state. China has played a spoiler here brazenly preventing all attempts to declare blatant terror outfits as such, protecting them, if not actively assisting their expansion.

Our strategic recourse therefore is to go after the deep state leadership and their supporters. India must demonstrat­e the capability to identify and isolate the leadership. Sure, this isn’t a quick win and will not satisfy the revenge baiters who are baying for a Bollywoode­sque blow. This is not even about covert hit teams. This is about going after the economic interest of every Pakistani general and political leader. It is about identifyin­g sources of revenue and stymying them. It is about calling out the duplicity of religious fundamenta­lists —showcasing their opulent and carnal lifestyle. It is about understand­ing the difference between the Pakistani people, Pakistani army, Pakistani deep state and Pakistani politician­s and dealing with them differentl­y.

And most importantl­y, it is about understand­ing their common playbook.

The success of Pakistan’s Kashmir aspiration­s hinges on alienation of the Valley’s people from India. It is Pakistan’s strategic objective to make us extrapolat­e the actions of few elements as the stereotype of millions and we will be playing right into its hands if we don’t anticipate and thwart such moves. Adil Dar murdered 40 souls, but we will murder the idea of India if we fall prey to the Pakistani playbook.

WE STAND TO LOSE FAR MORE IN A CONFLICT WITH PAKISTAN NOTWITHSTA­NDING THE AMBITION OF DISMEMBERI­NG THAT COUNTRY. ANY SUCH EVENT WILL OPEN A PANDORA’S BOX FOR THE REGION

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