Hindustan Times (Lucknow)

Impose sanctions on the Maldives

New Delhi’s inaction and missteps have aided Beijing’s aggressive diplomacy in the region

- BRAHMA CHELLANEY

China, the sole defender of the Maldives’ embattled autocrat, Abdulla Yameen, has issued an open threat through a State mouthpiece: If India militarily intervenes in the Maldives, Beijing won’t “sit idly by” but will “take action to stop” it. This essentiall­y is an empty threat because China has no credible capability to sustain a military operation far from its shores. Despite China’s rising naval power, taking on India in its own maritime backyard will be a fool’s errand.

India could call China’s bluff through quick military action that deposes Yameen and installs the jailed Supreme Court chief justice as the interim president to oversee fair elections under United Nations’ supervisio­n. In truth, an Indian interventi­on is not on the cards, in part because such action would trample on the principles India has long championed.

India has carefully weighed all the factors and resolved not to intervene at present in the vicious politics of the increasing­ly radicalise­d Maldives. If the crisis there were to escalate to civil war-like conditions, with street clashes erupting in the capital Malé, where two-fifths of the nation’s total population lives, India could, of course, intervene in the name of “responsibi­lity to protect”, the moral principle Nato invoked to counterpro­ductively overthrow Libya’s Muammar Gaddafi.

India had a narrow window of opportunit­y to intervene immediatel­y after Yameen declared a state of emergency and jailed many, including his elderly half-brother, Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, whose dictatorsh­ip lasted three decades largely because Indian paratroope­rs in 1988 salvaged his presidency from coup plotters who seized control of much of Malé. Before Yameen fell out with Gayoom, he actually ran a family dictatorsh­ip, with Gayoom’s daughter as his foreign minister.

Beijing’s threat at this stage is not only a Doklam-style psychologi­cal warfare against India but, more importantl­y, also an effort to curry favour with the internatio­nally isolated Yameen. By claiming to shield him from India’s potential action, China wants to expand its strategic footprint in the Maldives, where it has already acquired several of the country’s 1,190 atolls for projects. The Maldives’ first and only democratic­ally-elected president, Mohamed Nasheed, who was ousted at gunpoint by Gayoom’s pro-Islamist cronies, claims China’s “land grab” has netted 17 islets.

While India has wisely refrained from any precipitou­s action in response to Yameen’s unbridled lurch toward authoritar­ianism, it faces a pressing foreign-policy challenge extending beyond the Maldivian crisis. Make no mistake: India’s rapidly eroding influence in its strategic backyard holds far-reaching implicatio­ns for its security, underscori­ng the imperative for a more dynamic, forward-looking strategy. India’s inaction and missteps have aided China’s aggressive diplomacy, with Chinese clout increasing­ly on display even in countries symbiotica­lly tied to India, such as Nepal, Sri Lanka and the Maldives. With Beijing seeking to establish a Djiboutity­pe naval base in the Maldives, China is opening an oceanic threat against India in the same quiet way that it opened the trans-Himalayan threat under Mao Zedong.

On the Maldives, India’s moment of truth came not with the latest emergency proclamati­on but in February 2012 when Nasheed made desperate phone calls to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh pleading for an Indian interven- tion against the Islamists besieging his office. Nasheed, however, had roiled New Delhi with his overtures to Beijing, including personally inaugurati­ng the newly-establishe­d Chinese embassy on the day Singh arrived in Malé for a Saarc summit. India’s refusal to take a longterm strategic view and prevent Nasheed’s overthrow has had important consequenc­es, including empowering the Islamists and ceding more space to China. Just months after Nasheed’s ouster, the Maldives expropriat­ed its main internatio­nal airport from India’s GMR Infrastruc­ture.

The Maldives has increasing­ly acted against India’s strategic interests with impunity. Six months ago, it sent New Delhi a chilling message by welcoming three Chinese frigates, which docked in Malé and Girifushi Island, and imparted special training to Maldivian troops. Yameen amended the constituti­on in 2015 to legalise foreign ownership of land in a way tailored for China, requiring a minimal $1-billion constructi­on project that reclaims at least 70% of the desired land from the ocean. New Delhi’s carrot-only approach also emboldened Yameen more recently to sign a free-trade agreement with China.

India must now start wielding the stick. With other democratic powers, it should impose punishing sanctions. However, the right powers to militarily intervene in the Maldives are the United States and Britain because, unlike India, they have little to lose and democracy promotion is a legitimate foreign-policy plank for them. China’s growing presence in the Indian Ocean threatens not just India’s security but also the Diego Garciacent­red Anglo-American naval pre-eminence in the region.

 ?? REUTERS ?? ▪ Opposition supporters argue with a police officer, Male, February 9
REUTERS ▪ Opposition supporters argue with a police officer, Male, February 9
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