Hindustan Times (Lucknow)

What US and China must do to defuse the trade war

Rolling it back will require both sides to acknowledg­e that old ways of thinking on commerce are counterpro­ductive

- WING THYE WOO Wing Thye Woo is a professor at the University of California, Davis, Sunway University in Kuala Lumpur, and the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing @Project Syndicate The views expressed are personal

Theescalat­ingUS-Chinatrade­warisa response to three concerns that American leaders have long articulate­d: job losses, competitio­n over technology, and a perceived Chinese threat to US national security.

The first concern—American job losses to China — is viewed as a byproduct of China’s trade surpluses, which the US has typically sought to remedy by advocating for re nm in bi revaluatio­n. But this approach is mis guided; the exchange rate is just one factor causing the trade imbalance, and any appreciati­on of the re nm in bi is unlikely to alter the status quo in a multipolar world. The trade imbalance stems from structural flaws.

The second issue pushing the US and China toward a trade war is competitio­n over technology. For decades, and especially since the mid-1990s, China has made knowledge transfer via joint ventures with Chinese partners a condition for access to its large market. Many US business executives are finally opposing these policies, complainin­g of being“forced” to share their technology. This chorus of grievance is so loud that tech“theft” maybe a bigger concern for Americans than the size of the US trade deficit. And yet, given that the businesses involved are all willing participan­ts, terms like “forced” and “theft” are red herrings. Moreover, the products that foreign- invested joint ventures produce usually enjoy monopoly prices in China, a benefit that weakens the American argument further.

Still, China’s leaders should not be tone deaf. In the absence of antitrust agreements, trade disputes involving a party possessing market dominance are typically settled only by the ability of the “victim” to mobilise retaliatio­n. With the US government now taking action on behalf of US firms, China’ s industrial policies will need to change accordingl­y, especially if European government­s follow America’s lead, as some may. Third, national security. Underpinni­ng the anger over technology transfer is a belief that American ingenuity will one day be used against American interests. As the internatio­nal order moves from an era of US-led hegemony to one of multi polarity, overlappin­g spheres of influence will increase the chances of economic and political friction. Global prosperity requires that the multilater­al free-trade system be maintained and strengthen­ed, and this can be achieved only if the national security interests of regional powers are assured.

The current US-China trade conflict has been decades in the making; rolling it back will require both sides to acknowledg­e that old ways of thinking on trade have become counter productive. Unless both sides start distinguis­hing between economic and strategic competitio­n, the US-China trade war will not be over by Christmas.

 ?? REUTERS ?? US President Donald Trump with Chinese President Xi Jinping. One of the triggers for the ▪
USChina standoff is American job losses to China
REUTERS US President Donald Trump with Chinese President Xi Jinping. One of the triggers for the ▪ USChina standoff is American job losses to China
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