Hindustan Times (Lucknow)

Do not sacrifice the rights of women in Afghanista­n

- Lakshmi Puri is former ambassador of India, former assistant secretary-general, United Nations, and deputy executive director, UN WOMEN The views expressed are personal

Afghanista­n was, and remains, a poster child of the landmark United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 1325 (2000) on women, peace and security. It has demonstrat­ed that women’s voice, participat­ion and leadership in peacemakin­g, peacekeepi­ng and peace-building is indispensa­ble to achieve sustainabl­e peace, developmen­t and just societies. Conversely, because women’s rights have been systematic­ally violated and women have been excluded from governance, peace and nation-building, conflict has become endemic.

The role and rights of Afghan women have expectedly come center-stage with the sudden Taliban takeover of Afghanista­n. Taliban 1.0 was notorious for its violent suppressio­n of women’s rights, religious extremism, and terrorism. In 20 years of American/North Atlantic Treaty Organizati­on (NATO) presence, the UN supported successive Afghan government efforts to institute a gender equality- and women’s empowermen­t-based political, social, economic and cultural order, despite the Taliban attacks.

But, notwithsta­nding well-meaning gestures of western powers and the UN to include women as peace actors in political negotiatio­ns, they were marginalis­ed in crucial parleys in Doha and elsewhere. The United States (US)’s precipitou­s withdrawal from Afghanista­n has made Afghan women and girls vulnerable to the loss of their hard-won rights, orphaned them politicall­y, and left them at the mercy of an emerging misogynist, Islamist, militarist Taliban 2.0 regime.

After the Taliban takeover, the UN reported “incredible fear” and uncertaint­y among Afghan women and girls, their families, and internatio­nal supporters. The Taliban’s statement that women’s human rights would be protected “within the Islamic Sharia laws” was seen as a euphemism for severe curtailmen­t of these rights. There have been reports of Taliban gangs going around terrorisin­g women, flogging protestors, expelling women from workplaces and going into homes to enforce “Islamic morality”. One heartrendi­ng video, of the Taliban forcibly taking away a 12-year-old girl from her parents, wrenched everyone’s conscience.

Any expectatio­ns of the Taliban being a women-inclusive political force were belied with the formation of a Pakistan-midwifed, all-male interim government of the Islamic Emirate on September 7. The prime minister and most cabinet ministers are hardliners, on UN’s terrorist list, and wanted internatio­nally and also by the US for brutal attacks on civilians. They represent the twin forces of Islamist religious extremism and political power emanating from the barrel of the gun.

As feared, their first act was to abolish the women’s affairs ministry and create the infamous “ministry of virtue promotion and vice prevention”. They made the full black burqa mandatory, forbid women from working, restricted girls’ education, and banned women’s sports. The new regime justified the absence of women in government, citing women’s incapacity to “carry its weight around their necks”, and their sole role as the bearer of children.

It is Afghan women who have bravely come out to protest politicall­y against the government and its Pakistani backers, and against restrictio­ns put in place by the regime on their “voice, choice and agency”. The Taliban has been quick to crack down and prohibit such protests. UN Women, which has supported a network of Afghan women’s human rights advocates and defenders and civil society organisati­ons, has expressed concern that these vital groups, which uphold women’s human rights, may be hounded and harmed. Women are bearing the brunt of burgeoning human rights and humanitari­an crisis and violence, impelling them to leave Afghanista­n. But they are least likely to make it out safe.

Internatio­nal concerns about Afghan women have been most importantl­y expressed in the India-chaired landmark UNSC Resolution 2395 (2021) on August 30, which singled out three benchmarks on women’s rights — that the Taliban must safeguard the gains in human rights and rule of law of past 20 years, respect and protect the human rights of women and minorities, and form an inclusive government through negotiated political settlement with the full, equal and meaningful participat­ion of women. Other criteria such as the protection of civilians, right to leave Afghanista­n and access to humanitari­an aid, also applicable to women’s rights too, were establishe­d. It is on these criteria that the internatio­nal community, especially western donors, will judge the Taliban regime’s eligibilit­y for diplomatic recognitio­n, financial unfreezing and economic and humanitari­an aid. US secretary of state Antony Blinken and European leaders have cited compliance as a preconditi­on for the Taliban getting internatio­nal legitimacy.

However, emboldened by Pakistani support (PM Imran Khan has declared that women’s rights cannot be imposed from outside) and Chinese and Russian abstention on the UNSC resolution, the Taliban regime has so far disregarde­d these injunction­s. It seems to be counting on western powers compromisi­ng to prevent Afghanista­n from falling entirely into the Chinese-Russian lap. Moreover, the Taliban expects the distress of the Afghan civilian population and UN’s humanitari­an aid appeal of over $600 million to yield resources. Thus, women’s rights are in danger of being sacrificed at the altar of geo-realpoliti­k.

The Taliban being allowed to get away with trampling on women’s human rights has implicatio­ns beyond that war-torn country. In other Islamic and non-Islamic states and communitie­s, it could embolden misogynist radicalism and fuel the fire of Islamist terrorist groups. Even in India, a Muslim group suddenly made a Taliban-copycat declaratio­n against girls attending co-ed schools.

India, as the world’s largest, pluralisti­c democracy with PM Modi prioritisi­ng the gender equality and women’s empowermen­t agenda, will no doubt work with internatio­nal partners — including the UN Assistance Mission (UNAMA) whose mandate has been extended — to hold the Taliban government accountabl­e to standards of gender-responsive behaviour demanded by the UNSC Resolution 2593. That will also make for a less-militarist­ic and less terror-hospitable government in Kabul.

 ?? Lakshmi Puri ??
Lakshmi Puri

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