Hindustan Times (Patiala)

THE LAW OF GUERILLA ENTROPY

Explaining why members of northeaste­rn insurgenci­es now seek answers through talks

- Pramit Pal Chaudhuri letters@htlive.com n

IAnyone who experience­s today’s Nagaland, tranquil and picturesqu­e, would find it hard to believe this was home to India’s longest and bloodiest insurgency – yes, worse than Kashmir. Based on a series of interviews with prominent members of various Northeaste­rn insurgenci­es, In Pursuit of Conflict tries to explain why they took up arms in the first place and why so many today seek answers through talks. Avalok Langer gives a sense of the culture of violence and corruption that embedded itself in this part of India and, along the way, offers a frank and amusing account of what it’s like to be a journalist in difficult conditions.

The National Socialist Council of Nagaland is often called the “mother of insurgenci­es” because of its role in training and supporting similar groups in the other Northeaste­rn states. Thenoselie Keyho, ex-commander of the NSCN, describes how the first Naga contingent­s walked to China in 1967 to secure Beijing’s support. “The Pakistanis had given us basic weapons training and a few arms, but the Chinese not only trained our boys to fight, but taught us military strategy and imparted political and psychologi­cal training,” he says. Beijing promised the Nagas airdropped supplies and diplomatic support if they “liberated” a bit of territory. It never happened. Indian intelligen­ce won over one Naga group who betrayed the rest.

The Nagas continued fighting, but their own internal fissures kept them from being genuinely effective. In a pattern seen with other insurgenci­es, the longer they failed to reach their political goals the more they descended into criminalit­y. There are those who have yet to accept this law of guerrilla entropy.

Ibotombi Khuman of the People’s Revolution­ary Party of Kangliepak, a byproduct of Manipur’s history of alternatin­g independen­ce and subjugatio­n, speaks of continuing the fight. He talks of coal and oil reserves that would provide for an independen­t Manipur.

Ranjan Daimary, head of the National Democratic Front of Bodoland, “the most ruthless and violent group in the Northeast” demands a Bodo homeland “within the Indian Constituti­on” yet his organizati­on continues to kill and pillage. Daimary, presently on trial, targeted Bangladesh­i Muslims, but his fight was not driven by religion or independen­ce but the more intractabl­e issue of immigratio­n and demographi­c change.

Langer complains how an apathetic political leadership has allowed the migration issue to fester. Though from a distinguis­hed army family, he is critical of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. While there were legitimate reasons for imposing it, the longer Indian security forces function under its sweeping powers the more they become prone to abuse and arbitrarin­ess – a mirror of what happens to insurgenci­es over time.

Northeast specialist­s will not find all that much new and there are gaps. The United Liberation Front of Assam and the Mizos get only a passing mention. The fighters are one-by-one accepting talks and AFSPA has been withdrawn from Meghalaya. A different Northeast is emerging.

“In five years, a new generation had obviously come of age. A post-conflict generation. The ceasefire had given rise to youths who hadn’t grown up in active conflict, hadn’t lived through the killings…For them, those were just stories...”

 ?? HT PHOTO ?? ULFA cadre in Assam in September 1991.
HT PHOTO ULFA cadre in Assam in September 1991.
 ??  ?? In Pursuit of Conflict Avalok Langer 250pp, ~399 Westland Books
In Pursuit of Conflict Avalok Langer 250pp, ~399 Westland Books

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