Hindustan Times (Ranchi)

How India is weakening its case on terrorism

- Kabir Taneja Kabir Taneja is fellow, Strategic Studies Programme, Observer Research Foundation, and the author of The ISIS Peril: The World’s Most Feared Terror Group and its Shadow on South Asia The views expressed are personal

If there is one country that has been short-changed by the internatio­nal order on issues relating to terrorism, more specifical­ly cross-border terrorism, it is India. The Indian narrative on terrorism has been loud since the 1980s, but falling mostly on deaf ears, especially at forums such as the United Nations (UN).

New Delhi’s echoes on the perils of terrorism got a voice back predominan­tly in the post-9/11 era, and that too with mostly residual support for historical Indian concerns. Debates in and around the fundamenta­ls of what terrorism entails, and how to deal with it, have been unresolved at the

UN for decades. Member-states have failed to conclude a universal benchmark, choosing instead to use open-ended terminolog­ies and vacillatin­g between academic takes and real-world policy applicatio­ns predominan­tly led by individual States and their geopolitic­al aims.

The lack of clarity on countering terrorism, specifical­ly within the UN Security Council (UNSC), has cost India tremendous­ly both in economic and human capital. Till today, almost on a weekly basis, Indian troops die in theatres such as Kashmir while battling terrorism. This is a continuous reminder of the internatio­nal community, UN and UNSC’s abject and fundamenta­l failures in achieving their most primal aims towards a peaceful world order.

However, increasing­ly, India’s firm and correct stance on terrorism not only from its own perspectiv­e, but a global one, is arguably getting diluted with the terms “terrorist” and “terrorism” applied to the most frivolous domestic challenges. This ranges from countering political narratives to attempts to label political ideations, dissent or the simple act of disagreeme­nt, as “terrorism”. Of course, the lack of a clear definition only adds to the potential of obfuscatin­g narratives.

To put this in perspectiv­e, the eighth report of India’s Second Administra­tive Reforms Commission on combating terrorism, published in June 2008, highlights the conundrums of defining terrorism while listing the various sub-categories, from ideology (Left and Right-wing terror) and religion to ethno-nationalis­m and narco-terror. In the end, the report highlights the short legal definition proposed by Dutch scholar Alex P Schmid to the UN Crime Branch in 1992, which reads: “An act of terrorism=peacetime equivalent of a war crime”. But even this is wrapped around caveats, showcasing that a State or a commission’s most nuanced attempt on defining terror is, in no manner, the final word.

So, the question then remains, why use “terrorism” as an absolutist term for messaging with regard to domestic political cracks? The broad stroke use of laws such as the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, and extending the anti-terrorism narrative to issues such as an organisati­on “sending too many emails” over environmen­tal rules or localised political debates, may cause grave harm to the slow, steady and arguably positive progress New Delhi has made over decades to elbow-in its concerns about the organised terrorism it faces from its immediate neighbourh­ood.

A hyper-connected, social media-led world has added further to the complexiti­es that we witness regarding narrative constructi­on and destructio­n. The government and its functionar­ies may not use such terms directly themselves. But their ecosystems, which provide them with both digital and electoral oxygen, using terms such as “terrorist”, without realising its larger implicatio­n, is equally problemati­c, if not more, considerin­g no course correction is offered from the political class. We now often witness ministers and senior government functionar­ies using a cocktail of social media and diaspora politics to shore up support, where once again the labelling of “terrorism” is at times used in a worryingly superficia­l manner.

Defining or classifyin­g terrorism distinctly in two separate domains, one as part of foreign policy and one as part of domestic politics, is an unsustaina­ble mission, and one that many countries have tried and failed to play in the past. This is a group of countries that India must not to get clubbed with. Labelling democratic actors, whether dissenters or protesters, without a watertight case of terrorism, is a slippery slope, and one that is bound to attract unwanted attention.

The label of terrorism should not be seen as a play of strength to build domestic rapport. As scholar C Raja Mohan recently noted, “Without a visible and sincere political effort to promote unity at home, internal divisions will get worse and make India more vulnerable to external meddling.” Trivialisi­ng India’s posture on terrorism in the internatio­nal community can undo years of steady gains, for the short-term and myopic benefits of political support, ideologica­l oneupmansh­ip and electoral victories in the country’s never-ending election cycles.

 ?? SHUTTERSTO­CK ?? Labelling democratic actors, whether dissenters or protesters, without a watertight case of terrorism is a slippery slope, and one that is bound to attract unwanted attention
SHUTTERSTO­CK Labelling democratic actors, whether dissenters or protesters, without a watertight case of terrorism is a slippery slope, and one that is bound to attract unwanted attention
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