Hindustan Times (Ranchi)

On trade, India has legal instrument­s to hold Afghanista­n accountabl­e

- Prabhash Ranjan Prabhash Ranjan is professor and vice-dean, Jindal Global Law School, O P Jindal Global University The views expressed are personal

One of the many consequenc­es of the Taliban’s dreadful takeover of Afghanista­n has been the abrupt meltdown of India-Afghanista­n trade. The Taliban has shut the trade route, underminin­g bilateral trade worth $1.5 billion. In the past two decades, India has emerged as an important destinatio­n for Afghanista­n’s agricultur­al exports such as dry fruits, whose prices have now soared in the Indian market. Likewise, India’s exports to Afghanista­n, totalling almost $1 billion, include tea, cement, sugar, and pharmaceut­icals.

Politicall­y, India will take steps to find a solution to this trade impasse. It is equally germane for India to be mindful of options under internatio­nal law to hold the Taliban accountabl­e for the illegal shutting down of the trade route. Remember, under internatio­nal law, the Taliban’s unconstitu­tional takeover of the government hasn’t changed the legal personalit­y of Afghanista­n as a nation-State. Since the Taliban now claims to represent Afghanista­n at national and internatio­nal forums, it is under a legal duty to comply with all the internatio­nal law obligation­s that bind Afghanista­n.

There are three internatio­nal legal instrument­s that India has in its policy arsenal to deal with the trade stalemate.

The first is the preferenti­al trade agreement (PTA), signed in 2003, by the government­s of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Hamid Karzai. The objective of PTA is to boost trade between the two countries, leading to a harmonious developmen­t of bilateral economic relations. Under Article II of PTA, both countries are under an obligation to grant preferenti­al access to each other’s products listed in the treaty. Likewise, under Article V of PTA, both countries are under an obligation to accord national treatment to each other’s products ie, confer treatment no less favourable than that accorded to like domestic products. The Taliban’s decision to shut down the trade route violates Articles II and V of PTA.

The second legal instrument is the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) agreement, signed under the patronage of the South Asian Associatio­n for Regional Cooperatio­n (SAARC). Afghanista­n acceded to SAARC in 2007 and ratified SAFTA in 2011. Under SAFTA, Afghanista­n’s products enjoy dutyfree access to India. This access was hugely instrument­al in furthering Afghanista­n’s imports to India, especially dry fruits. Like the India-Afghanista­n PTA, SAFTA also contains provisions on tariff liberalisa­tion (Article 7) and national treatment (Article 5). By imposing a trade ban, Afghanista­n is not complying with its SAFTA obligation­s towards India of providing preferenti­al access to the products listed in its schedule of commitment­s.

The third legal instrument that India could deploy is the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the World Trade Organizati­on (WTO) agreement. Afghanista­n was not a founding member of the WTO. It became a member of the WTO in 2016, as a least developed country, after going through a long accession process. Subject to its accession protocol, Afghanista­n is under an obligation to uphold all the GATT and WTO commitment­s ranging from national treatment to most-favoured nation ie, not discrimina­ting between imported products, irrespecti­ve of country of origin. Taliban’s trade ban violates several of Afghanista­n’s WTO legal obligation­s towards India.

In holding the Taliban answerable under the India-Afghanista­n PTA and SAFTA, a deterrent India may confront is the weak dispute-settlement mechanism in these treaties. Unlike WTO’s dispute settlement mechanism that follows a two-tiered judicial adjudicati­on involving independen­t judges, SAFTA relies on the wisdom of politician­s and bureaucrat­s to settle trade disputes. The India-Afghanista­n PTA reposes faith in the industry chambers of the two countries to settle trade disputes through consultati­ons and arbitratio­n.

India should explore this internatio­nal law option, as it prepares for the long haul of dealing with the consequenc­e of the Taliban’s takeover. While Taliban leader Mohammed Abbas Stanekzai said that the group wants to continue Afghanista­n’s trade ties with India, the question is whether Afghanista­n’s new rulers will walk the talk.

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