GJM burns copies of GTA accord, calls for boycott of polls to body Kin of 80s martyrs: Sacrifice of our dear ones has gone in vain
GORKHALAND STIR Plan to burn copies at Pintail village, where the pact was signed, thwarted; govt orders CID probe into killings of morcha supporters in the June 17 firing
Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) on Tuesday burnt copies of the tripartite Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) accord at several places in Darjeeling hills and called for boycott of upcoming elections to the semi-autonomous body, scaling up its statehood agitation.
“Today we conducted the funeral of the GTA accord. After today, no one will utter the word GTA. We are appealing to all parties not to participate if the state government wants to hold elections to the GTA. If anyone contests, he will do so at his own risk,” said GJM assistant secretary Binay Tamang.
Copies of the accord, signed on July 18, 2011 between the Centre, West Bengal government and the GJM, leading to the formation of the semi-autonomous body to rule the hills, were gutted at several places in Darjeeling, Kurseong, Kalimpong, Mirik, Gorubathan and at least at a couple of places in the Dooars at 11.19am, a time believed to be auspicious by morcha president Bimal Gurung.
Thousands of morcha supporters came down on the streets to take part in the agitation. Though the agitators also had plans to burn copies at Pintail village, where the agreement was signed in presence of then Union home minister P Chidambaram, West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee and Gurung, security forces occupied the place in large numbers, thwarting their move.
Police were on high alert to prevent the situation from spinning out of control.
Two IPS officers led the police patrols on the streets of Darjeeling. It was the 13th day of the indefinite bandh called by the GJM in the hills to push for a separate state.
“This is not the way to carry on an agitation. The people will have the last word,” tourism minister Goutam Deb told a TV channel in his initial reaction.
Several morcha supporters stood bare body on the streets while other smashed tubelights on their backs. This was the first instance when GJM adopted such a gory method of protest.
“The ongoing movement has become a mass movement and it is not under the control of Bimal Gurung. GJM is not responsible for the damage of government properties and vehicles, including that of opposition leaders and supporters,” said Binita Roka, GJM spokesperson.
Incidentally, the Gorkha Janmukti Yuva Morcha (GJYM) on Monday threatened self-immolation and indefinite hunger strike to mount pressure on the Centre and West Bengal government. The GJYM is the youth wing of the GJM, which is spearheading the Gorkhaland movement.
Elections to the GTA are due in July, when the term of the semiautonomous body will end.
Meanwhile, the state government decided to hold a Criminal Investigation Department (CID) probe into the deaths of morcha supporters allegedly in firing by the security forces in Singamari, Darjeeling on June 17. Gurung had earlier demanded a CBI investigation into the incident, accusing police of gunning down his party supporters.
Mamata Banerjee denied police opened fire on that day and described the allegations as “absolutely false.”
for a small memorial built at Singamari Phatak, the spot where he was shot, few in Darjeeling remember Bhupen Mothay who laid down his life in June 1987 for the cause of a separate Gorkhaland state.
Like in the mid-1980s when the demand for a separate state plunged the hills of north Bengal into violence, Darjeeling is witness to fresh turmoil as a new generation of activists takes to the streets to push for the same demand.
But Mothay’s mother Tara remains a silent spectator, unimpressed by the shrill rhetoric or raucous rallies for statehood.
Her son was among the 1,200 people who were killed between 1985 and 1987. But the sacrifice of Mothay, who was killed in police firing, has all but been forgotten and Tara is bitter.
“I lost my son who was the only earning member of the family. He was the eldest of my three sons. But what purpose did his death serve?” she asks. Forced to work as a maid servant for a living, Tara got a one-time compensation of ~8,000 for her son’s death in 1989. She gets a monthly old-age pension of ~750, but that too has not been paid for the last six months.
“His sacrifice for Gorkhaland is forgotten. He gave his life in vain,” she says.
Her biggest grouse is reserved for local politicians at the helm of the Gorkhaland agitation. Though youngsters like Mothay heeded to their calls and paid with their lives, the leaders settled for autonomous councils rather than a separate state in the past.
The agitation of the 1980s was suspended by Subash Ghising after Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) was formed. Bimal Gurung, the prime mover behind the current agitation, had signed up for the Gorkhaland Territorial Administration (GTA) in 2011. Tara isn’t the only one in Darjeeling who isn’t swayed by the tumult in the hills. Kishore Gurung, 61, is another.
Once a prominent foot soldier of Ghising, he was a name to reckon with in the Darjeeling hills. His sacrifices – he lost his father and two brothers during the 1985-87 unrest – made him into part of folklore.
But that was then. Now, Gurung is more of a pariah with no part to play in the latest round of protests being described by many as Gorkhaland II. First, his mentor Ghising fell out of favour and had to flee the hills. Two, the new Gorkhaland leaders have no place for him.
“I took up arms, inspired by Subash Ghising’s call for a separate state of Gorkhaland and was involved in a series of attacks on the CRPF and the CPI(M) workers,” recounts Gurung, sitting in his house above the Happy Valley Tea estate some 10km away from Darjeeling.
At the height of the 1980s movement, he was a wanted man with 26 criminal cases lodged against him. His father Dil Bahadur was allegedly killed by the security forces, brother Bal Bahadur was killed in a clash with CPI(M) activists, and another brother Binod was murdered after being abducted. He has lost stature and prestige since with some of the current Gorkhaland leaders even describing him as ‘anti-Gorkhaland’.
Gurung is a far cry from his fiery past and now advocates peaceful agitation for realising a separate Gorkhaland. “It is an emotive issue but people must realise that political parties are playing games and the local politicians of the hills are their pawns,” he says. Though far less enthusiastic than what she was in the 1980s, even Tara Mothay’s mother - is all for a separate state.
“Politicians have betrayed us, but if Gorkhaland is created, my son’s soul will have peace,” she says, surveying the current unrest.
Today we conducted the funeral of the GTA accord. We appeal to all the parties not to take part if the state government wants to hold elections to the GTA. This has become a mass movement and it is not under the control of Bimal Gurung. GJM is not responsible for the damage to government properties. THE AGITATION OF THE 1980s WAS SUSPENDED BY SUBASH GHISING AFTER DARJEELING GORKHA HILL COUNCIL (DGHC) WAS FORMED