Hindustan Times ST (Jaipur)

The Kathua victim must be called by her name

The National Commission for Protection of Child Rights appears to have forgotten its primary responsibi­lity

- KRISHNA KUMAR (The second part of this article will appear next week.) Swati Ramanathan is chairperso­n, Jana Urban Space Foundation, and cofounder, Jana Group. The views expressed are personal Krishna Kumar is former director, NCERT The views expressed a

Asmall girl has slipped through the protective arms of the State. Now the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) has reminded us that we are not free to identify her by name. This belated sense of duty puzzles me. The girl suffered forced confinemen­t, bestial assault and was finally killed.

She was born in a community that enjoys a special status in the Constituti­on. That provision, however, could not help her in any manner. After being kidnapped, she was alive for a week, but remained untraced. Now the National Commission for the Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) is keen to grant her the rights she missed when she was alive.

One of the rights the NCPCR wants to give her posthumous­ly is the right to remain unknown, nominally. Hadn’t she already earned it? Anonymity is part of being ordinary, and that is who she was. So, exercising the right to keep her name hidden will pose no problem.

As an organisati­on set up to protect children and their civic rights, the NCPCR has failed to justify its name. If it is closed down, no one will miss it.

The finance ministry will be pleased that some wasteful expenditur­e can be avoided. As a custodian of children’s rights, the NCPCR has a noble responsibi­lity which it has forgotten. Its protective umbrella does not reach out to India’s vulnerable children.

After the Kathua incident came to light, the NCPCR chose to blame the media for not following the norms it has laid down. It is the media that turned Kathua into a moment of national introspect­ion. The NCPCR also objected to the girl’s face being shown. Like a part and parcel of bureaucrac­y, the Commission was more concerned about rules than about the injustice. We can either react out of anger, or we can overcome and replace the anger with love.

We do not put out the fire by fanning the flames; we have to smother the fire. Similarly, we can smother the fire of anger with love. It takes a lot of energy to respond in anger. The response tends to deplete and drain us. But if we use our energy to respond lovingly, we will not only bring harmony to the situation, we will be energised by that love. When we act lovingly, we are opening the door for God’s love to flow through us. child being violated.

Six years ago, when a young woman was brutalised in a Delhi bus, thousands of young people assembled at Rajpath, protesting against lax laws and policing. The State acted quickly and drafted new, more stringent laws.

That young woman was supposed to remain anonymous, but the story of her last-minute fight turned her into a symbol. This suggested that even though they live under constant threat, girls and women need not live a life of fear. Posthumous naming enabled the nation to redeem some of its cultural dignity. The fact that girls must always live in fear, and do, remained concealed like a precious secret that we couldn’t afford to make public. It would have hurt national pride just as the banned BBC documentar­y Daughters of India did.

Now we are faced by Kathua. This is not the first time that a child has suffered at the hands of men determined and free to be barbaric. If you look at newspapers of the past few years, you will find reports about victims as young as three to six years of age. During a spate of such incidents, a judge had asked, ‘Have our people gone mad?’ What distinguis­hes Kathua is the political environmen­t surroundin­g it. The same is true of Unnao. As common citizens, we need not feel aghast at the political response, its initial inertia and subsequent speedy recovery of familiar reflexes. In the end, it sounds inane and cold. Between shaming and defence, there is plenty to stage and prolong the debate. It is not clear though that anyone knows what the debate is about.

Is it about inadequate policing? Is it about the state’s reflexes? Or, about the state’s Constituti­onal role to intervene in culture through social policy laws and their implementa­tion? Any debate on Kathua must cover all these questions. If there is widespread misogyny in society, who will address it and how?

Cultural characteri­stics tend to reproduce themselves. So does misogyny. What can intercept the reproducti­ve cycle of a deep-set tendency like that? The Constituti­on mandated the state to engage with society and culture.

But the Constituti­on seems like a lonely voice today. In Kathua, the state has failed the Constituti­on. A Scheduled Tribe girl’s right to grow up with dignity and receive education has been violated.

The least we can do now is to remember her by name rather than call her the eightyear old gang-rape victim of Kathua as the NCPCR desires.

DURING A SPATE OF SUCH INCIDENTS, A JUDGE HAD ASKED, ‘HAVE OUR PEOPLE GONE MAD?’ WHAT DISTINGUIS­HES KATHUA IS THE POLITICAL ENVIRONMEN­T SURROUNDIN­G IT. THE SAME IS TRUE OF UNNAO.

Through daily meditation, leading a calm, peaceful life becomes a habit. Over time, a habit turns into our nature. Day by day, we transform ourselves into peaceful, non-violent and calm people and radiate that to others. The ripple effect of our calmness and equipoise spreads and it will not be long before we have a peaceful family, community, and world.

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