JD(S) still at the centre of K’taka politics
BENGALURU: IN THE FIRST ELECTION IT FACED, THE JD(S) WON A MERE 10 OF THE 224 ASSEMBLY SEATS, 8 SEATS FEWER THAN ITS SIBLING THE JD(U)
The year was 1999. A young HD Kumaraswamy was contesting the Sathanur seat in Kanakapura taluk on the ticket of a new party founded by his father, former PM HD Deve Gowda, the called Janata Dal (Secular).
His opponent from the Congress was DK Shivakumar. Fierce words were exchanged in the battle and eventually when the results came, Kumaraswamy was soundly thrashed by Shivakumar by a 15,000-plus margin.
Cut to the present. The same Shivakumar, still in the Congress, undertook multiple measures to ensure that on Wednesday, Kumaraswamy would be sworn in as Karnataka’s 25th chief minister.
What ensures the continued relevance and salience of this regional JD(S) which is often derided as a ‘father-son’ party for its perceived nepotistic outlook in rewarding its members?
It isn’t as if Karnataka has not seen its share of strong leaders trying to build regional parties. Devraj Urs, a powerful CM who helped Indira Gandhi in her fight against the syndicate to seize control of the Congress, eventually parted ways to start his own Congress (Urs) faction. When it contested the polls, it was a failure.
Sarekoppa Bangarappa, again a potent regional chieftain floated not one but three different regional parties in his long political innings. All three — Kranti Ranga, Karnataka Congress Party, and Karnataka Vikas Party — did not go anywhere and he had to merge them with the Congress at different junctures.
Politically influential liquor baron Srihari Khoday launched his own Urs Samyuktha Paksha which sank without a trace.
Transport mogul and former Member of Parliament Vijay Sankeshwar left the BJP to launch the Kannada Nadu party. Same result. BJP’s own mascot in the state BS Yeddyurappa left the party in 2012 for the Karnataka Janatha Paksha. BS Sriramulu another senior BJP leader also left around the same time to form the BSR Congress. None of the parties even managed 10 seats. Then why is it the Deve Gowdafounded JD(S) has managed to become the fulcrum of state politics by wedging itself between the two national parties looking to dominate state politics?
For that it is important to travel back in history.
Ever since the Janata Parivar emerged on the national scene in the 1970s, one of its strongest redoubts was Karnataka. As early as 1983, Karnataka had a Janata government. Indeed, for some time, the government alternated between the Janata Party and the Congress. Such was the strength of the Janata Parivar in Karnataka that Deve Gowda who was the CM of the state, and with a mere 17 MPs under his control, became the Prime Minister of India in 1996. After being ousted in just 11 months, Gowda came back to state politics only to realise that his bete noire Ramakrishna Hegde and his disciple J H Patel, the then CM, were trying to take the party and state away from his control.
So true to the Janata Parivar’s reputation of dividing to grow and growing to divide, in 1999, the Janata party split with Hegde, Patel and others joining hands with the likes of George Fernandes to form the Janata Dal (United), while Deve Gowda called his party the Janata Dal (Secular). Gowda, by virtue of having become the PM of India, even if it was serendipitously, had emerged as the tallest leader of the powerful Vokkaliga community in the state. It also helped that the Vokkaligas, the second largest community in the state, were concentrated in a few districts in southern Karnataka. Gowda , over the years, had also assiduously built the image of being a farmers leader.
In the first election it faced, the JD(S) won a mere 10 of the 224 assembly seats, 8 seats fewer than its estranged sibling JD(U).
However, Gowda quickly realised that adding even a small section of the Muslims who were feeling threatened by the emergence of the BJP in the state, could make him even more powerful.
While the JD(U) aligned with the BJP, only to see its vote base shift to the saffron party, Gowda ploughed a lonely furrow.
He had a loyal caste base in the Vokkaligas who would vote for his party, irrespective of the candidate, and the addition of Muslims, who accounted for around 12% of the state’s population meant his party was in the game.
Just five years after floating and winning a mere 10 seats, in 2004, Gowda ensured that his party got 58 seats in a hung assembly. Finally the JD(S) had become a player. If it could not grab power on its own, it had a sufficient base to become the fulcrum around which state politics revolved. It formed a coalition government first with Congress and then Kumaraswamy walked out to become CM with BJP’s help. Gowda senior though, quickly realized that embracing the BJP meant transferring his base without any payback and thus declared that his son had done this without consent, to protect Muslim votes.
Harish Ramaswamy, a political analyst said: “It is a powerful cocktail mix of caste, appeal to farmers and minorities, as well as deft political manoeuvering to stay in the race, which has ensured the JD(S) becomes the lynchpin ... even if it has just 15% of the seats and 18% of the total votes cast.”
A desperate Congress trying to halt the BJP’s march has yielded the CM’s post to Kumaraswamy despite having 78 seats in the assembly to the JD(S)’ 38 (of which one belongs to the BSP and the party will have to recontest the other when Kumaraswamy, who won from two constituencies, vacates one). For now Deve Gowda and JD(S) are sitting pretty.