Hindustan Times ST (Jaipur)

Why the anti-caa protesters are wrong

By endorsing foreign criticisms, and distorting and misreprese­nting facts, anti-modi critics undermine India

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Many arguments being made by the Opposition, civil society activists, students and retired government servants against the Citizenshi­p (Amendment) Act (CAA) and the projected National Register of Citizens (NRC) do not stand scrutiny.

That religious minorities (primarily Hindus and Sikhs) in Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanista­n have fled these countries is beyond dispute. Just compare the 1947 figures of the minority population of these countries to today. India is a natural refuge for them as they cannot migrate to other Muslim countries and obtain citizenshi­p.

The argument that persecuted Muslims from neighbouri­ng countries such as the Ahmadis and the Rohingyas should also be eligible for Indian citizenshi­p under the CAA is a belaboured one. We do not have a higher obligation to grant citizenshi­p to Rohingyas, who have not claimed refugee status and have entered India illegally, than that of Bangladesh, a neighbouri­ng Muslim country where they have sought refuge as victims of violence in Myanmar. Pakistani Ahmadis have not entered India clandestin­ely and, besides, can take refuge in several fraternal Islamic countries. With December 31, 2014, as the cut-off date for eligibilit­y for citizenshi­p, keeping the citizenshi­p doors open in the future to Ahmadis, Rohingyas and other “persecuted” Muslims in Islamic countries after they enter India illegally makes no sense.

Maintainin­g a database of citizens is a vital aspect of sovereignt­y, national security and governance. Democracie­s worldwide identify their citizens. Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka have citizenshi­p rolls. India needs such a database even more, perhaps because of our open or unsettled borders, a long coastline, infiltrati­on and terrorism, as well as demographi­c changes in parts of the country due to illegal migration. Once the database of citizens is available, illegal migrants can be identified. If the climate crisis leads to population flows across borders in the region, as is feared, one must think ahead.

Fear-mongering about the projected NRC has reached such unreasonab­le proportion­s that even those who have served the country at the highest level in government feel concerned about proving their nationalit­y because they do not have the birth certificat­es of their parents. An almost hysterical anti-muslim colour has been given to the CAA and any NRC exercise, as if the malevolent Narendra Modi government intends to make Indian Muslims stateless en masse and create an insoluble problem for itself, other than gravely endangerin­g India’s polity and social peace.

The anti-india smears in the “liberal” western Press and critical statements by some foreign leaders should not be played up and legitimise­d by domestic critics by making the government responsibl­e for them because of its policies. We should be defending the country against such malicious attacks and undue interferen­ce in our internal affairs. Moves in the United States Congress and the European Parliament show disrespect for our democracy, despite the talk about shared democratic values, and should be nationally decried rather than the Opposition leveraging them for domestic politickin­g. That only encourages anti-indian western lobbies to play on our internal divisions. We should not worry about how the western media and individual foreign legislator­s judge the domestic political decisions we make constituti­onally in our national interest. We should ask ourselves whether the views of Indian editors and sundry Members of Parliament matter at all in decision-making by western government­s. Our normal diplomatic efforts to address internatio­nal criticism should, of course, continue with self-confidence.

To argue that CAA constitute­s a violation of internatio­nal law is wrong. While Article 2 (1) of the Internatio­nal Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Covenant has been cited in support of the claim, Article 12 (1) which provides for restrictio­ns by law in the interest of national security, and even lays down that an “alien lawfully in the territory of a State Party to the present Covenant may be expelled therefrom only in pursuance of a decision reached in accordance with law”, has been ignored.

The critique that a 25-year bipartisan consensus in the United States Congress in India’s favour has been broken by this government is untrue if only one would recall a bipartisan consensus against India in 1998 when we did our nuclear tests. To say that we have “hyphenated our image with Pakistan’s in a fundamenta­l way as religion driven intolerant states” is a gross exaggerati­on, as it assumes that the CAA amounts to rewriting the entire Indian Constituti­on.

Arguments that the CAA compromise­s our bid for the United Nations Security Council permanent membership; that we have become a “reckless power with revisionis­t ambitions like Pakistan”; or that the patience of the Washington establishm­ent for us is diminishin­g show how far the critics want to go to discredit the Modi government. Those saying that the Internet closure in Kashmir will discourage investors should explain how China has not lost investment­s despite a ban on Facebook, Google and Amazon.

By endorsing foreign criticism, distorting facts, misreprese­nting realities, and denting the country’s self-esteem, the antiModi/bharatiya Janata Party passion of critics undermines the country’s larger national interest.

MAINTAININ­G A DATABASE OF CITIZENS IS A VITAL ASPECT OF SOVEREIGNT­Y, NATIONAL SECURITY AND GOVERNANCE. DEMOCRACIE­S WORLDWIDE IDENTIFY CITIZENS. INDIA NEEDS SUCH A DATABASE EVEN MORE

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