R Blinken ays a visit

Withstanding differences, the relationship ween India and the United States is robust

f there was any doubt about the strength and depth of the India-united States (US) relationship, US secretary of state Antony Blinken’s visit should put it to rest. Mr Blinken underlined that ll crucial issues — Covid-19, climate, emerging nologies, Indo-pacific, maritime security — India a vital partner. The fact that President Joe Biden had several conversations with Prime Minister endra Modi, secretary of defence Lloyd Austin visited India, external affairs minister S Jaishar has reached out to the US administration in shington (Wednesday marked his fourth meeting h Mr Blinken in six months), Mr Modi could sibly visit the US soon, and less publicly, there is oss-the-government collaboration with US ncies points to how far the once-estranged ocracies have come. They talk, all the time, on ssues. And this is excellent news. wo themes appear to dominate Mr Blinken’s t. The first is the strategic relationship. It is an n secret that the emergence of Quad is a direct mpt to ensure that China is constrained to play he rules of the game. But that remains the tated part. Quad, as both Mr Blinken and Jaishankar emphasised, was looking at a structive agenda, particularly vaccine supplies. s is smart, for the delivery of global common ds by a set of democracies will send out a far re powerful message than rhetorical statements. meeting Tibetan leaders, Mr Blinken did well nderscoring US support to the community as it pares for a post-dalai Lama phase. By allowing meeting to happen on its soil, India did well in ding a signal to China. On Afghanistan, India and US, in principle, have common goals in venting a forcible Taliban takeover and ensuring mocratic and inclusive regime. But Washington ’t wait to rush out and has limited security es; India knows it will have to stand for its efs largely on its own. he second was the question of values. On ocracy, Mr Blinken was careful to hint at the ngs of democracy in the US itself, before making ear how democratic values, institutional ependence, and fundamental freedoms were cial in cementing ties. The unsaid part was that hi appeared to backsliding on these metrics. ile India put forth its response, the fact that such nversation is happening is itself proof that the lity of Indian democracy is now a variable in the tionship. But notwithstanding differences, the story remains one of increasing convergence. s is in India’s national interest.

Lformer Intelligence Bureau joint director MK Dhar writes of Indira Gandhi ordering snooping on her daughter-in-law Maneka Gandhi and reveals how Rajiv Gandhi’s government was spying on President Giani Zail Singh, forcing him to conduct all personal meetings in Rashtrapati Bhavan’s verdant Mughal Gardens and not in his office.

So why the fuss, argue Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) supporters, over unverified allegations that the central government was hacking mobile phones using Israeli spyware. Well, because not only is the typical whataboutery a lamentable alibi that rationalises possible illegal acts, but it fails to recognise differences between snooping then and hacking now.

In a previous time, the tracking was