Hindustan Times ST (Jaipur)

The agony of being a secular Muslim

In India, Islamists insist on religious solidarity. The Hindu Right insists on patriotism tests. Both are wrong

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It can’t be easy being a secular, constituti­onalist Indian Muslim in “new” India. The Hindu Right demonises Indian Muslims in a manner that they are expected to take a patriotism test on almost every issue. Islamist groups demand that all Muslims must assert a fierce religious identity, above all else. Caught between fanatical Islamism and majoritari­an Hindutva, the secular Muslim is endangered and disempower­ed. The latest example of this is the manner in which the Taliban takeover in Afghanista­n is playing out in domestic political narratives in India.

The Hindu Right wants the Indian Muslim to speak out against the Taliban. Islamists want the Indian Muslim to express community solidarity with the Afghan militia as “freedom fighters”. Every time a Muslim in India voices any kind of support for the Taliban, it leads to gloating “I told you so” chants and sedition cases being initiated. Conversely, every time a Muslim is attacked in India, it throws up accusation­s of a Hindu Rashtra being foisted upon the minorities. Toxic social media campaigns have only widened fissures.

Lost in the cacophony are harsh realities that reveal the hollowness of the vicious politics of religious polarisati­on. Let’s first expose the Taliban cheerleade­rs. First, the Taliban is a violent militia which has acquired power, not by democratic means but by use of force. The gun cannot decide the will of the majority nor provide the predominan­tly Pashtun Taliban leadership with the impunity to discrimina­te against other communitie­s.

Second, the main victims of the Taliban’s brutal regime in the past have been co-religionis­ts. Muslims have suffered the most in Afghanista­n’s bloodied recent history. How does the return of the Taliban absolve it of the heinous crimes it has committed against fellow Muslims? How can it be seen as an authentic representa­tive of an Islamic brotherhoo­d?

Third, those who seek to pardon the Taliban’s sins on the grounds that it is strictly implementi­ng Islamic Sharia laws have got it horribly wrong. It is pure opportunis­m and hypocrisy to endorse a secular Constituti­on in India where Muslims are in a minority, and then support the imposition of Sharia in those countries where the Muslims are in a majority. Moreover, who gives the Taliban the sole prerogativ­e to decide the framework of Sharia laws for its people, and women in particular?

Let’s now turn to those who seek to target the Indian Muslim for the Taliban’s wrongdoing­s.

First, the Taliban resurgence is fundamenta­lly an internal Afghan issue, not tied up in any manner with India’s fraught inter-community equations. It is not just for the Indian Muslim to speak up but for every citizen, irrespecti­ve of religious denominati­on, who swears by democratic freedoms to raise their voice against the Taliban’s excesses. The Taliban resurrecti­on is not a “Muslim” issue, but a mirror to a catastroph­ic global failure to enforce peace in Afghanista­n.

Second, those who wish to see Indian Muslims publicly reject the Taliban must disown all forms of religious extremism themselves. One cannot, for example, legitimise the hate-filled, violent activities of the Bajrang Dal against minorities in India and then demand that the Taliban be ostracised. The lynching of Muslims cannot be rationalis­ed under the guise of cow protection laws or anticonver­sion or the so-called “love jihad” type spurious campaigns, while breathless­ly outraging when the Taliban violate human rights. Universal human rights cannot be selectivel­y embraced or abused. A rejection of the Taliban must be accompanie­d by an eliminatio­n of a Talibani mindset.

India is not a Taliban State, as a recent court order reaffirmed, but there are self-styled vigilante groups who demonstrat­e a bigoted mindset akin to the Taliban. This isn’t about whether an unlawful group of thugs is fringe or mainstream, Hindu or Muslim. The identity of the oppressed and oppressor must be irrelevant when acting against violent mobs.

Third, while condemning the Taliban’s criminal deeds, there must be a recognitio­n that the fiercest resistance to the armed force has not come from the United States (Us)-led military alliance but from local Afghans themselves; 70,000 Afghan security personnel have died. While the US leads a desperate evacuation from Kabul, spare a thought for the brave Afghan citizens who have stood their ground. Don’t they deserve unequivoca­l support? Aren’t they also Muslims who break the stereotype sought to be imposed on a community?

Radical Islamists and Hindutva rabble-rousers divide and rul preying on the fears and anxieti their followers only because they so little else to offer. At a tim severe economic distress, Covi floods and price hikes, it is politi expedient to turn the gaze on a ban-like enemy figure in Afghani rather than address the more ur local concerns in the immed neighbourh­ood. It’s the age-old tr using religious politics as a weapo mass distractio­n, one which all I ans must collective­ly battle.

Postscript: More than 140 lea Indian Muslim voices have spo out against the Taliban on the In Muslims for Secular Democracy form. Unfortunat­ely, their sane vo are rarely amplified, while any lim influencer who defends the ban instantly grabs the headline reveals as much about the state compromise­d media ecosystem does about a fractured society w hate speech has a large constitue

 ??  ?? The Taliban has acquired power not by democratic means but by force. The gun cannot decide the will of the majority nor provide the Taliban impunity to discrimina­te against other communitie­s
The Taliban has acquired power not by democratic means but by force. The gun cannot decide the will of the majority nor provide the Taliban impunity to discrimina­te against other communitie­s
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