RSS back to bolster BJP, just like it did in 2014 LS elections
The Sangh will focus on two key goals — enhancing doortodoor contact at booth level, and encouraging a higher turnout
NEWDELHI: Inside an RSS office in Varanasi, a man in a spotless kurta is busy with paper-work. He is a pracharak, and his area of work spans across the Kashi Prant that includes 22 districts.
He is first cautious about discussing politics, but soon says, “Narendra Modi is working for the whole country, for the rich and the poor. Under Modi, the army’s morale is high. Under Modi, development work has started - now it needs to get completed. And that is why people have faith in him. UP will see BJP win with a majority.”
At a time when there has been speculation about how actively RSS is involved in the UP campaign, the conversation gives a glimpse into the Sangh’s mood.
Like in 2014, the RSS has deployed its entire machinery to enable a BJP win. The Sangh’s core message is that having the same government at both the central and state level is important. Its core mode of functioning is enhancing ‘sampark’ or contact at the booth level. And its senior leadership is directly involved.
AMID DIVERGENCE, THE CONVERGENCE
A major point of contention between sections of the Sangh machinery in UP and BJP was ticket distribution.
A BHU professor, who is a Sangh insider, says, “Earlier it was ideology, and then satta, power. Now it is power, then ideology. So winnability has become the only criteria in ticket distribution,” he says. He admits Sangh’s suggestions did not carry as much weight this time as they did in 2014. The BJP acknowledges that there was dissatisfaction - including from people within the Sangh - but this has got overblown. A senior leader says, “Look, some individuals may be dissatisfied. But the sangathan, the organisation, was not angry at any point.”
Despite differences, the Sangh has come around — the BHU professor says it is ‘102%’ active.
The prachakar draws an analogy. He says that RSS is like the class teacher in a school - who wants to mark students purely on merit.
“But in politics, you have to see caste, economic strength of candidate. They have to fight elec- tions, not us. We are committed to the larger goal.”
THE CORE SUPPORTER
The Sangh’s core support base is the trader-small businessman class. But since they were adversely affected by demonetisation, would it affect the motivation of the Sangh itself?
It does not seem so.
Varun Mehra owns Hotel Swastik Inn near the Dasaswamedh Ghat. He cites the BJP victory in local polls in Mumbai as proof that notebandi is not a factor. On the larger Sangh message in this polls, he argues, “Among the educated and business classes, there are two sentiments — that central and state government should be the same, and BJP deserves a chance in UP.”
THE MODUS OPERANDI
Back in November, it was decided that Sangh would, like 2014, work independently, away from the campaign machinery. It would focus on two key things — enhancing door to door contact at booth level, and encouraging higher turnout.
The Sangh then had appointed a person in charge of each Lok Sabha constituency, and then an in-charge for each assembly constituency.
A pracharak told HT, “We were told to activate the Matdata Jagrukta Manch, Voters Awareness Forum and go to voters to exercise their duty. We say vote for the leader and party that will bring vikas, stands for nationalism, and has secured our borders. It is enough.”
The second step, he said, is to ensure that on polling day itself, in favourable booths, voters turn up.