THE GOOD, THE BAD, THE CORRUPT
In a timely book, a former CVC analyses the challenges of tackling graft
It is easy to be pessimistic about the state of corruption in India. It only seems to get worse, drowning in its lethal vortex even those who, like Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, once stood out as paragons of honesty in a rotten system. From its title, that has a question mark suffixed to Ending Corruption, N. Vittal’s book is only cautiously optimistic about eradicating the disease that has torn apart India’s fabric of governance in the last year. As a former IAS officer who served the Indian state for 40 years, including a four- year- long stint as central vigilance commissioner ( CVC) between 1998 and 2002, Vittal knows better than anyone else how endemic corruption has become since it first raised its ugly face during the time when Indira Gandhi was prime minister of India. It is indeed remarkable that the late Mrs G still rates in almost every opinion poll as India’s most popular prime minister— she may have won India a war against Pakistan but she unleashed the demon of corruption which would eventually stall India from within.
Vittal’s book does a good job of summarising the history of corruption in India. It does an equally good job in identifying the root causes of corruption, whether in politics, bureaucracy, judiciary, corporate, or even the media. One only wishes that Vittal had escaped mere generalisations that
are well known and recounted in greater detail his own experiences as a civil servant and as CVC. Perhaps he is still bound by the Official Secrets Act, a colonial- era abomination which ought to have been abolished long ago to encourage more transparency— a word used often in the course of the book— in government.
The book also falls short on solutions. Vittal has pinned his hopes on four institutions— the judiciary, the CAG, the Election Commission and the CVC. There is no doubt that all four have, in recent times, done much to expose corruption and indeed clamp down on it in their different ways. However, there is something inherently discomforting in relying solely on unelected institutions to discipline the elected body politic. Vittal, like many Indians, is understandably downbeat about the political class. But any lasting solution to India’s corruption problems must come from the political class— and this doesn’t mean simply passing the Lokpal Bill. At one level, there needs to be broad- based consensus on electoral reform— flawed electoral practices are the root cause of a lot of corruption. At another level, there needs to be a consensus on reducing the discretion of the state in critical policy decisions, like the giving away of natural resources. Also, law enforcement needs to be beefed up so that the guilty are punished. The court cannot do much unless the public prosecutor presents sufficient evidence. None of this broad- based reform can be achieved by the judiciary, CAG, EC and CVC. It needs to be done by elected politicians.
Where Vittal’s book does succeed is in repeatedly emphasising the cleansing role that can be played by individuals. Writes Vittal, encouraging bureaucrats in particular to take principled stands, “If you persist you will inevitably overcome any resistance.” To some, that may sound naïve, but it can work. Vittal cites the case of T. N. Seshan who single- handedly gave teeth to the Election Commission. There are many other such instances, several judges, for example, who have stood up for the right thing despite the perils. Unfortunately, most bureaucrats only adopt independent positions after retirement when they are appointed to constitutional posts. More must do so while still in government. Manmohan Singh, the bureaucrat- turned- politician, certainly needs to read this book. It’s no use being good if you can’t make a difference.