THE REPUBLIC OF CONSULTATION
India is watching three models of governance unfold before its eyes. There is Narendra Modi, going from city to city, unleashing his rainbow coalition, addressing backward caste Hindus at the 100th anniversary celebrations of Kerala Pulaya Mahasabha’s Kayal conference in Kochi, speaking to Assamese pride by reminding Guwahati that the NDA government had bestowed the Bharat Ratna upon former chief minister of Assam Gopinath Bordoloi, and invoking Bengali sub-nationalism in Kolkata by playing on the President’s ethnicity. It is a precursor to what he plans if he comes to power, a government far more sensitive to federal politics than it is now, where the prime minister will be visiting states with ministers in tow rather than state satraps coming to him. He also hopes to provide a government free of dynasty, with respect for the common man, with roofs for all, affordable healthcare and quality education among others.
In the beauty pageant that this election has become, this outbreak of competitive consultation has been somewhat ignored. The idea of what kind of politics India wants is being debated, not just in the backrooms that Rahul Gandhi had so decried but also on the streets, in rallies and in dharnas. Good or bad, new collaborations are being effected, eroding the traditional caste segmentations that allowed an old-fashioned politics to survive and thrive. So Rahul is meeting groups of people from across India to consult them on the Congress manifesto, from porters in New Delhi to women delegates in Madhya Pradesh, to tribals in Jharkhand, and panchayat representatives in Maharashtra. Arvind Kejriwal is also addressing the till-now peripheral people, whether it is the autorickshaw drivers or the
safai karamcharis.
India’s politicians have learnt their lesson well. They are listening to the disaffected, even if they’re not always implementing what is being asked of them. So whether in Modi’s new vision of federally-sensitive governance, in Rahul’s marginal-to-mainstream manifestos, or in Kejriwal’s emerging occupational segments, the traditional vote banks are being shattered. Rahul may be parodied for it, but he is right. This newfound republic of the disaffected is a result of ten years of UPA governance, where sustained inclusive legislation has given rise to a new class of citizens who want in on the conventional power elites. It is also a result of what Simon Denyer, in his forthcoming book Rogue Elephant, calls the yearning for a Messiah. When the newly empowered see they can get more—and if they speak loudly enough, they will—then there arise leaders who have no qualms about presenting themselves to an impatient public as the man on the horse, riding to India’s rescue.
These three leaders have different modes of transport though. While Modi seems to be riding on a juggernaut, thumping his chhap
pan- inch chest, Rahul’s vehicle is a car that needs servicing, speeding ahead at times, and stalling badly at others. Kejriwal’s WagonR is small enough to carry his changeableness— agitator one minute, administrator another. But all of them know that this journey cannot be a solo endeavour. They have to carry the voters with them. And what they do with power is the big question. There are two sobering examples from India’s history. In 1957, the EMS Namboodiripad government, which believed it could agitate and administer simultaneously, fell under the weight of its contradictions, letting loose a wave of crippling protests in Kerala in 1959 which allowed Indira Gandhi to make her political debut. And in 1989, V.P. Singh, who was hailed as the great fighter against corruption, saw his dream being crushed under the burden of too many egos. A Messiah works only if he has a republic.
THE IDEA OF WHAT KIND OF POLITICS INDIA WANTS IS BEING DEBATED, NOT JUST IN THE BACKROOMS THAT RAHUL GANDHI HAD SO DECRIED BUT ALSO ON THE STREETS, IN RALLIES AND IN DHARNAS. GOOD OR BAD, NEW COALITIONS ARE BEING BUILT, ERODING THE TRADITIONAL CASTE SEGMENTATIONS THAT ALLOWED AN OLD-FASHIONED POLITICS TO SURVIVE AND THRIVE.