FROM THE EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
The quality of a leader is revealed not only by what he has done during his tenure but also by what happens when he moves on. The question is, is good performance dependent on the individual or have practices been institutionalised so that the good work continues? In the corporate world, one of the key responsibilities of a boss is succession planning. In politics, it seems to be a rare talent, largely because leaders are insecure about being toppled and, of course, because some believe in their immortality. Power is a potent aphrodisiac. The rise and fall of Anandiben Patel as the CM of Gujarat has a lesson for her predecessor and anointer Narendra Modi. Along with that, her departure has political implications that go far beyond the state.
Over the past decade-and-a-half, I have had the chance to watch Modi closely over several trips to the state. I was once invited to Ahmedabad to speak on Rurbanisation—the idea that urban infrastructure and industrial employment opportunities should be made available in rural areas to prevent mass migration. As is the case with most other schemes in Modi’s Gujarat, it was a pathbreaking initiative, ahead of its time. When he fixed the Narmada canal system, Modi came up with the idea of putting solar panels to generate energy, kicking off the ambitious Canal Solar Power Project. When he wanted to attract investors, he launched the biennial Vibrant Gujarat summit, which became a benchmark for other states. Right through Modi’s regime, Gujarat’s growth figures were exceptional in both industry and agriculture. Though there were some question marks on social indicators, the success of the Gujarat model became Modi’s springboard for national prominence. In the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, it virtually served as his résumé. It was such a matter of debate in the last general election that we ran a cover on the Gujarat Model in April 2014, asking, ‘Will it work for India?’
But with Modi’s departure from Gujarat, the state has witnessed a rapid slide. There is a perception that, under Anandiben, corruption was rising, that she had failed to build bridges with her ministerial colleagues and keep bureaucrats in check. The erosion of her authority, aggravated by corruption allegations against her daughter, coincided with the social connection between her government and some key communities reaching breaking point. If the pro-reservation agitation by the affluent Patels in 2015 had brought parts of the state to a standstill, a Dalit uprising following the violence against four members of the community in Una exposed political chinks in the BJP’s armour for the Opposition to exploit.
These incidents have damaged Gujarat’s image and put the party on the back foot. Little wonder then that they lost in 23 out of 31 district panchayats in the 2015 civic elections. This flaring up of caste divisions could have a huge impact on the BJP’s prospects in Uttar Pradesh and Punjab, which go to polls in early 2017, followed by the Gujarat assembly elections later the same year, and eventually on the 2019 general election when Modi seeks re-election.
Our cover story, written by Deputy Editor and Gujarat expert Uday Mahurkar, looks at why Anandiben had to go, the road ahead for the BJP, and the impact on national politics, now that fingers are being pointed directly at Modi. We also have a special report on GST, explaining everything you wanted to know about the new tax reform but were too bored to ask.
Modi’s hallmark as a chief minister was running an individualistic, personality-driven government that worked effectively. This is a style that he has brought with him to the Centre as prime minister. But Gujarat’s decline shows grooming and relying on second-rung leaders will serve him better in the long run, especially while governing a complex country like India. Gujarat was Modi’s badge of honour. He cannot allow it to fail without serious consequences to his political standing. Hopefully he will learn from the crisis, as all good leaders do.
OUR APRIL 2014 COVER