THE NEW BEST FRIENDS

India Today - - GLASS HOUSE -

bank­ing. But as the prime min­is­ter says in a can­did in­ter­ac­tion, pre­ceded by an ex­ten­sive e-mail in­ter­view, to Group Ed­i­to­rial Di­rec­tor Raj Chen­gappa, “one must

aPnIdLrOanT-nIiNti dis­tin­guish be­tween niti (pol­icy) tion strat­egy or tac­ti­cal ma­noeu­vres). De­mon­eti­sa­tion, which re­flects our niti, is un­equiv­o­cally clear, un­wa­ver­ing and cat­e­gor­i­cal. Our ran-ni ti, haocwhein­vePri,low­talosv‘eT­suto daal-daal, main paat-paat’. We muscth­sa­tal­lyen­twgeoVsat­se­up­ns­d­hara ahead of the en­emy’’. Al­tru­ism isR­nao­jteti­h­neJh­soalaew­darri-vBear­roafn, the prime min­is­ter’s re­lent­less se­tahrechRafo­jar­sitnhnanovCaM­tiv’seer­st­thew2h0i0le2Lroiok­tSs,ah­be­haspseant de­ci­sions. After the hor­ror of now the next 12 years of his ten­ure as­reGpur­jeas­re­anttce­hdieb­fymheinr isso-n. ter trans­form­ing the state into a mPi­olodte­gloot­fR­dae­hvuel­loG­pam­n­dehnitto and him­self into an icon of pro­greBsasr.aMn odni2h6aDs ea­clwe­mayb­ser to been con­scious about his place in­ah­did­sr­te­osrsy,amn oan­reti-sdoesminoc­neeti­sa­tion he be­came prime min­is­ter. rally, but also made

No won­der he’s launched oneit­garop­uonindt-tboret arkgien­t­gthe CM scheme after an­other. At last coufnotr, ‘hfaeil­hi­nagd’ tah­nen­vouten­rcse.d here was lit­tle de­bate amongst In­dia To­day ed­i­tors on who would be News­maker of 2016. Even be­fore the fate­ful day of Novem­ber 8, he ahul Gandhi has­woaft­s­en­inptl­haeyeledaad, but his D-bomb spoiler for Lalu Ysaedaalevd. Iint.2In01230,16, no one dom­in­wait­e­hdrthewe the UPA gov­ern­ment cao­nun­try’s dis­course or­di­nance proposin­gaim­nd­mi­un­n­fli­u­tyen­fo­cerd the lives of its con­victed MPs and MpLeAospaleft­meroRreahthual n Prime Min­is­ter

It cNoas­rteL­nad­lu­rahMisoL­doik. He kept the Sabha seat after the con­vic­tion­media busy in by the or­der­ing a sur­gi­caflos­dt­driekre­soc­namPa. kInisthane 2O0c1cu4pLioedk SKab­shamir as a reprisal fopr otell­r­craomr ap­tataigcnk,sR, hae­hudlid in­dont’texshtean­rde the term of poster bo­ty­heRdBaI ig­sowveitrhnLo­ralRua. gAhuer­aad­mofR­tah­jean20in­15spite of a cho­rus ofB­si­uh­pa­proerlte,chteiod­nisd, nhoetb­sauc­ck­ceud­mN­bi­tioshthe rage of vet­er­ans onK­tuhme aimr pfol­er­mCMen.tBa­tu­iot nre­ocfeOn­nt­ley,RLan­lukpOunte Pen­sion, and heth­sec­o­dri­effder­aen­nu­cen­spraescideedeantd­edtwweien­te­fo­dritnhe BJP in As­sam. AsRIan­hduial’’ssFuiprsp­toDr­tipin­lohmisato,nhgeotir­nagvse­pllaetd to 18 coun­tries, in­wcli­ut­d­hinN­garfievnedirnaEMa­sot­dai nod­veSrocuotrhreuap­stioAn­sia, al­ter­ing the fochuas rogfeosu. rAP­farike­in­st­dasnh-icpein­tr­ti­h­cein­mtear­kn­i­nagti?onal re­la­tions and hard-sell­ing In­dia’s im­age from red tape to red car­pet. He lob­bied for In­dia’s en­try into the NSG even though he was stymied in his ef­forts by China. In 2016, he was on the In­dia To­day cover five times.

timINes In all, In­dia To­day has had him on the cover 36 (one more than Indira Gandhi and five less than So­nia Gandhi). He has been news­maker of the year twic e be­fore, once in 2002 and a sec­ond time in 2014. In the Ban­er­jee time we have been chron­i­cling his jour­ney, it is gr­caatiu­fyg-ht ing to see cer­tain cam­paign prom­ises come throuignhW, whether it is in the large-scale im­ple­men­ta­tion ofKthue­mar, Prad­han Mantri Jan Dhan Yo­jana or the weed­ingTo­hu­at­doef, cor­rup­tion from the Cen­tre. Some other big-ticket have been highly pub­li­cised, such as Make in Indi­raea­cen­ndtly. min­i­mum gov­er­nance, but not ad­e­quately ex­e­cuted. SP chBi­ueft Mthue­lapyraimeSminign­hisY­taedr’asvv’siswioifne­has been clear from Stahde­hbaen­gainY­naid­nagv.Aistkhnioswfinrst­toIc­n­od­nef­pi­neen­hdern­sceelfDay speech in to20­fa1m4,ilyPr­fuim­ncetMion­insi.sB­teurt Mono2d4i­hDaed­cedmes­bcerri,bed him­self as the shneat­mioand’sePar­naedx­h­caenptSioenvabky,caan­md­p­dae­icglnairnegdfothr at he wanted dtaoupguhtearn-ine-nladw­toApthaern­cau,lw­tu­ifreeooffM‘mulearyaamky’sa, mu­jhe kya’. yoI­tuwn­gaes­rn­soot­naPs­r­laot­geaenk,. Aas­pam­r­naany­isic­moangtein­setidn,gbut a prom­friosem. PLau­rctk­in­ciop­watCi­vaengt on­vmeren­nmt ein­nth­hea2s0b1e7cUoPme the cor­neresle­toct­nioenosf.hItiswailldb­meit­noiust­grhat­sieoant,,eg­vivideen­nt­theinSpPo’sli­cies such naos-wSiwn arec­chohrdB­heareaat,ns­d­chtheemoep­sp­souncehnat sbeGi­in­vge It Up by the thmeiBniJsPtr’syRoif­tapeB­tarhoulegu­um­naaJn­od­sh­nia. tu­ral gas, and in great dis­rup­tions like de­mon­eti­sa­tion. It is a long-term cul­tural re­mak­ing project. And it piv­ots on the prime min­is­ter’s in­di­vid­ual pop­u­lar­ity. When he says he is a fakir who will pack his bags and move on if and when the time comes, much of In­dia be­lieves him.

That is both Prime Min­is­ter Modi’s strength and weak­ness. His high per­sonal pop­u­lar­ity has given him as Delhi from all as Mum­bai

the courage to take Tataa de­ci­sionGroup with­out any ap­par­en­tCricket lieu­tenant gov­er­nor short-term pay­off. cIot­mm­pa­nyieaslso have blinded hAism­soc­toia­tion the po­ten­tial pit­falls aris­ing out of poor im­plepm­re­sei­d­net­nat­tion. In his urge to trans­form In­dia, he over­es­ti­mated the state’s ca­pac­ity to de­liver an es­sen­tial ser­vice like

ROUtRraNsEhWeSdMtAhKeER­move. 2014 COVER

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SUBIR HALDER

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