India Today

POV: THE ISRAEL PROJECT

- By Ajai Sahni Sahni is executive director, Institute for Conflict Management & South Asia Terrorism Portal

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Israel on July 4, 2017, is, of course, historic. He becomes the first Indian premier to visit the country since its creation in 1948. For decades, even as the relationsh­ip strengthen­ed, there was a curious hesitation in New Delhi to publicly acknowledg­e its significan­ce. India vacillated for more than two long years before it recognised the Israeli state, and it was only in 1992 that the Narasimha Rao regime establishe­d full diplomatic ties. Indeed, India’s policy towards Israel has long been hostage to its fear of annoying the ‘Muslim world’—in particular, Arab nations who were openly committed to Israel’s annihilati­on. Meanwhile, the Organisati­on of Islamic Cooperatio­n stood as a phalanx behind Pakistan and its export of terrorism into India, and did New Delhi no favours. Arab monies have flowed generously into the funding of Islamist extremism and radicalisa­tion across South Asia, and have done India grievous harm.

All this is changing quite rapidly. For one thing, the ‘Muslim world’ is fragmentin­g as never before, and several constituen­t states have establishe­d friendly ties and, as terrorism and sectarian warfare increasing­ly threaten their own stability, even engaged in security cooperatio­n with Israel. The Palestinia­n cause has discredite­d itself through decades of terrorism, even as Palestinia­n terrorism has been marginalis­ed by movements far more lethal and widespread. Crucially, Israeli cooperatio­n and support have given strength to India’s counterter­rorism capabiliti­es and efforts, and there have been several instances of successful operationa­l cooperatio­n. Several special force units, both from the Centre and from various states, have undergone specialise­d training in Israel. The country’s capacities against cyberterro­rism are, moreover, exceptiona­l, and this is another sphere in which cooperatio­n is emerging, and will be crucial for India in the future.

Counterter­rorism and defence are, of course, the lynchpins of IndoIsrael­i relations. Israel, despite its minuscule size, has establishe­d itself as India’s third largest source of defence and security equipment. Crucially, Israel has shown itself to be willing to provide equipment and technologi­es that other ‘friends’ deny us. This includes a range of missile systems, armed drones, laserguide­d bombs, airborne warning and control systems (AWACs) and border surveillan­ce equipment.

This relationsh­ip, however, goes far beyond common concerns on terrorism and security. Modi has rightly described Israel as a “technologi­cal powerhouse” and nondefence technology imports cut across a wide range of industries and, crucially, agricultur­e—in which sphere Israel’s contributi­ons are revolution­ary. Bilateral trade has burgeoned over the years to a current estimate of over $5 billion, excluding defence.

There is also, in the present regime in New Delhi and its wider Hindutva constituen­cy, an ‘ideologica­l’ dimension to the relationsh­ip. India’s rightwing has long seen Israel as a model to emulate—as a realpoliti­kbased nationstat­e that emphasises military strength and a hardheaded retaliator­y response to aggression, bound together by a single religion and a homogenise­d national culture. The revival of Hebrew as Israel’s official language is seen as a model for the resurrecti­on of Sanskrit as national cultural unifier.

Here, however, we are in the realm of fantasy. Israeli militarism and machismo are not an ideologica­l choice; they are survival imperative­s in a relentless­ly hostile environmen­t. If Israel were to let its guard down for even a day, it would be wiped off the map. This is not an eventualit­y that confronts India, despite grave threats in the neighbourh­ood and within the country. Crucially, moreover, a country of 8.2 million cannot be a model for a nation of 1.3 billion, particular­ly one that embraces the diversity of India’s population­s.

There is, neverthele­ss, much that we can learn from Israel—the commitment to national goals, the sheer dedication of purpose, a high sense of duty, the determinat­ion to secure “peace through strength” and the veneration of intellect.

Israel will prove a reliable partner for India; its fundamenta­ls are sound and its perspectiv­es enduring. Regrettabl­y, this is not something that can be said about India.

Israel’s hardheaded retaliatio­n to aggression has long been seen as a model to emulate. But for them it is a survival imperative, not an ideologica­l choice

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