India Today

The Law and the Mob

- By Malavika Rajkotia

On January 16, 2018, the Supreme Court assured us that our choice of spouse could not be questioned by a khap panchayat. On January 23, 2018, the Supreme Court told Hadiya that they could not question an adult woman’s choice of husband. But first we had to endure the tragic drama enacted by many in court, who felt they were seriously advocating a cause when they said that Hadiya suffered from “Stockholm syndrome” or that a khap was, in fact, entitled to challenge a marriage. It’s cringe-inducing that such legal pronouncem­ents of freedom to marry are still necessary after 70 years of constituti­onally elected government­s in the world’s largest democracy.

Our Constituti­on is based on the principle of inclusiven­ess. It was hoped that the dialogue over the years would smoothen the edges of discord as a nation evolved to a harmonious whole without compromisi­ng its pluralisti­c ethos. Instead, as we now know with the benefit of hindsight, many of the conservati­ve elements in India’s polity have degenerate­d into extreme reactionar­y groups, keepers of the flame of primitive identity politics.

Last week, Haryana’s streak of violent headlines was extended as the brutal story of the rape and murder of a 15-year-old girl began to unfold as a possible double honour killing involving two antagonist­ic Dalit communitie­s. Such stories are examples of the close relationsh­ip between law, politics and society, which is fraught as never before because the intellectu­al base of a politicall­y significan­t multitude is now so far removed from the refinement of our Constituti­on and the rule of law under it.

This political base has been fanned and fuelled by self-serving leaders to take positions that are brazenly unconstitu­tional. Thus, it is our leaders who obstruct our already overburden­ed courts, forcing judges to laboriousl­y uphold constituti­onal ideals while being constraine­d by a social reality that the political class does nothing to improve. The Hadiya case alone involved nine court dates of jammed proceeding­s in the Supreme Court (never mind the Kerala High Court bench that originally annulled the marriage). And, of course, the National Investigat­ion Agency inquiry into the sensationa­list chimera of ‘love jihad’ in Kerala remains in place.

It was the 18th century English conservati­ve Edmund Burke who cautioned the electors of Bristol that “your representa­tive owes you, not his industry only, but his judgement; and he betrays instead of serving you if he sacrifices it to your opinion”. Such inherited wisdom seems to be lost in our political climate where regressive movements have gathered momentum under populist leaders who pander to the lowest common denominato­r. It is the failure of elected representa­tives to honorably discharge this constituti­onal duty that has forced the apex court to make its tragically trite statements.

No member of government is telling us what they are doing about the violence in the name of identity politics. No one is telling us how they will compensate us for the havoc wreaked by divisive politics invoking regressive and repressive traditions that have no place in the Constituti­on. The intellectu­als in government, or those who agree with them, talk of the stock market and economic power, but their silence on the clear and dangerous symptoms of a deep social malaise makes them complicit in the problem, which, in fact, feeds their power.

Rapes ordered by a khap panchayat (as happened in Baghpat, Uttar Pradesh, in 2015), mob lynching by gau rakshaks; political difference­s leading to murder, death threats (some of which have been followed through on) to profession­als, actors and writers, not to mention young couples: this seems to be a defining trend of our society. And there are not enough people writing about it in a language that will reach the lowest common denominato­r and their leaders. This is a scenario when intellectu­als fade into the mob.

Malavika Rajkotia is an advocate and author of Intimacy Undone, a book on the law of marriage and divorce in India

It’s cringeindu­cing that legal rulings invoking an adult’s freedom to choose their own spouse are still necessary after 70 years of constituti­onal democracy

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