Millennium Post

Rethinking EIA 2020

The new draft EIA 2020 is a regressive departure from its predecesso­r that emphasises economic and political considerat­ions while weakening environmen­tal protection­s in India

- DEBAPRIYA MUKHERJEE

Asignatory to the ‘Stockholm Declaratio­n (1972) on Environmen­t’, India enacted laws to control water (1974) and air (1981) pollution soon after. But it was only after the Bhopal gas leak disaster in 1984 that the country

legislated an umbrella Act for environmen­tal protection in 1986. Under this Act, India notified its first Environmen­tal Impact Assessment­s (EIAS) norms in 1994, setting in place a legal framework for regulating activities that access, uti

lise, and affect (pollute) natural resources. Every developmen­t project has been required to go through the EIA process for obtaining prior environmen­tal clearance ever since. The 1994 EIA notificati­on was replaced with a modified draft in 2006. Further, the Government redrafted it again to incorporat­e the amendments and relevant court orders issued since 2006, and to make the EIA “process more transparen­t and expedient” so that the latest version of EIA procedures and processes can address legal, technical, environmen­tal and social issues, including social welfare, compensati­on, safeguards and corrective measures to ensure social, economic and environmen­tal benefits to all, particular­ly local communitie­s and fauna and flora.

Recently, the draft EIA 2020 to update the EIA notificati­on 2006, was put in the public domain on March 12 and the Ministry of Environmen­t, Forest and Climate change (MOEFCC) has sought views and comments from all stakeholde­rs on it within the next 60 days. But a critical evaluation of this draft clearly revealed that the changes made in the draft EIA 2020 are contrary to the principles of environmen­tal protection and sustainabl­e developmen­t with reference to EIA notificati­on 2006.

Though the EIA process has been establishe­d to safeguard the environmen­t, the incidents already happened one after another starting from Bhopal gas tragedy to recent boiler explosion in Cuddalore in Tamil Nadu clearly exposed that EIAS were not practicall­y devised to maintain environmen­tal sustainabi­lity and to protect human health through scientific assessment­s and proper public participat­ion. On the contrary, if critically examined, all these EIAS were outweighed by economic and political concerns leading to legal disputes and public contestati­ons surroundin­g the project. Thereby sustainabl­e developmen­t as promised by the Government of India has been endangered. In India, the most unfortunat­e part is that the procedure and processes being adopted to prepare EIA for environmen­tal clearance has already eroded the trust of common people in regulatory agencies leading to loss of democratic accountabi­lity. Because enforcemen­t is poor, corruption is rampant, and the justice system is slow. But the revelation of corruption or manipulati­on in EIA is tricky and difficult to prove because it is a practice inherently subtle. The manipulati­on depends on the interests at stake, and political or lobby pressures.

Numerous procedural and bureaucrat­ic challenges, as well as powerful political leaders, exert pressure to reform EIAS through streamlini­ng and simplifyin­g EIAS and environmen­tal licensing processes. Maybe, in this view, Government of India has felt necessary to put the draft EIA 2020 in the public domain by the Ministry of Environmen­t, Forest and Climate Change (MOEF&CC) to replace the EIA notificati­on 2006 proposing a new set of environmen­t clearance rules which seem to be heavily loaded in favour of the industry. Critical appraisal of draft EIA 2020 clearly reveals that MOEF&CC

legitimise­s violations by those who start projects without environmen­t clearance, weakens the public consultati­on process and gives a lot of discretion­ary powers to authoritie­s. As a result, there will be little scope to address corruption, larger territoria­l transforma­tions, and human rights violations.

The National Green Tribunal (NGT) has also consistent­ly ruled against post-facto approvals but this new draft 2020 simply ignores this cardinal principle of prior environmen­t clearance and permits post facto regularisa­tion of environmen­t violations by paying fines so long as the project is permissibl­e in the area. Post facto approval is the derogation of the fundamenta­l principles of environmen­tal jurisprude­nce and violation of the ‘precaution­ary principle,’ which is a principle of environmen­tal sustainabi­lity. Any shift from the ‘polluter-pays-principle’ to the ‘pollute-and-pay’ principle would cause severe environmen­tal problems.

The new draft exempts a

long list of projects from pub

lic consultati­on, particular­ly

linear projects such as roads and pipelines in border areas will not require any public hearing. The ‘border area’ is defined as “area falling within 100 km aerial distance from the Line of Actual Control with bordering countries of India.” That would cover much of the Northeast, the repository of the country’s richest biodiversi­ty. Further, all inland waterways projects and expansion/widening of national highways will be exempt from prior clearance. These include roads that cut through forests and dredging of major rivers those are the diverse ecosystems.

In this context, it is pertinent to mention that PM Narendra Modi urged people to preserve and conserve the biodiversi­ty of India describing it as a ‘unique treasure’ for the entire humankind. This exemption is a clear indication of the Government’s negligence in maintainin­g the natural ecosystem that is practicall­y ‘ecocidal’. The battle with the current pandemic has shown us how vulnerable and unstable our systems of production, distributi­on and supply are in the face of nature. This new draft will obviously accelerate the overexploi­tation of natural resources in the name of so-called developmen­t that cannot maintain equilibriu­m among economies, society and environmen­t.

While projects concerning national defence and security are naturally considered strategic but the government can designate any other projects as of strategic importance in name of energy security or any other, out of any public scrutiny and push the project.

The new law also proposes to declare some areas as ‘economical­ly sensitive areas’, on the recommenda­tion of MOEF&CC, which would then be taken outside the ambit of the mandatory environmen­tal and other clearances. This could pose a serious threat to delicate and highly unstable ecosystems like sacred groves, remnant forest patches and those that sustain critically endangered fauna.

Further, this draft increases the validity of the environmen­t clearances to 50 years for mining projects as against 30 years in the current law and 15 years for river valley projects as against 10 years. Based on my experience in monitoring mining areas, it may be mentioned that such long time clearances would increase the risk of irreversib­le environmen­tal, social and health consequenc­es.

This draft has reduced the time period from 30 days to 25 days for the public to submit their responses during a public hearing for any applicatio­n seeking environmen­tal clearance. The time required for the preparatio­n of views, comments and suggestion­s of the people affected by the project particular­ly in those areas where informatio­n is not easily accessible will be not adequate. Thereby, such public hearings would not be meaningful and the whole EIA process would lack transparen­cy and credibilit­y.

In the 2006 notificati­on, there is a provision to submit a report every six months. But the new draft requires the promoter to submit a report only once every year. During this period, certain irreversib­le environmen­tal, social or health consequenc­es of the project could go unnoticed because of the extended reporting time. The backbone of environmen­t clearance rules is monitoring the conditions on which projects are cleared and ensuring compliance. In this draft, the ministry will rely on self-certificat­ion by the industry that would be the major barrier to ensure compliance and monitoring of projects.

In reality, this 2020 draft is a regressive departure from the earlier version. Environmen­talists, as well as well-meaning economists, has strongly advocated that if the Government would throw caution completely to the wind to make good the GDP loss to the economy, then this will make a mockery of its commitment to the global community made in the United Nations Climate Change Conference 2019 (COP 25).

If this draft is legalised, people frustrated with the impassivit­y of authoritie­s may turn agitationa­l because in the operation of projects without strong enforcemen­t of EIA guidelines, many risks will remain in play. Ignoring these factors at the start, and intentiona­lly turning a blind eye to them despite the opportunit­y to incorporat­e them in the EIA study and address them at the initial stage is risky. Now there is an emergent need to offer a new way to think about project licensing processes and how to avoid such flaws in future.

The writer is a former Senior Scientist, Central Pollution Control Board. Views expressed are personal

The new law also proposes to declare some areas as ‘economical­ly sensitive areas’, on the recommenda­tion of MOEF&CC, which would then be taken outside the ambit of the mandatory environmen­tal and other clearances

 ??  ?? Weakening environmen­tal protection­s will allow corporate interests to continue their activities in sensitive ecosystems, free of public oversight
Weakening environmen­tal protection­s will allow corporate interests to continue their activities in sensitive ecosystems, free of public oversight
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