The Asian Age

Made for Big Pharma

- Paranjoy Guha Thakurta

Prime Minister Narendra Modi may be patting himself on the back because President Barack Obama has agreed to India’s position on food stockholdi­ng norms in World Trade Organisati­on ( WTO). However, New Delhi seems to be bending over backwards to accommodat­e the American government and giant multinatio­nal corporatio­ns ( MNCs) in the pharmaceut­ical industry, which will work to the detriment of our country’s interests.

In less than six months, the Modi government has taken several steps that play into the hands of large internatio­nal drug companies, or Big Pharma as these are popularly known, on a number of issues ranging from pricing of commonly- used medicines to intellectu­al property rights ( IPR) of pharmaceut­ical formulatio­ns. The first of these steps, which came on the eve of the Prime Minister’s visit to the US in September, entailed a rollback of guidelines issued by the National Pharmaceut­icals Pricing Authority ( NPPA) in May.

The guidelines, issued under the Drug Price Control Order, 2012, gave the NPPA the power to fix prices of even those drugs that were not on the national list of essential medicines. Using these guidelines, in July, the NPPA had capped the prices of 108 medicines — most of them for cardiac diseases and diabetes, two very widespread ailments in India. Within two months of the NPPA order capping the prices of these 108 drugs, the government instructed it to revoke the guidelines. While it later clarified that the July cap on prices would still remain valid, the order has effectivel­y ensured that the NPPA cannot take similar action in the interest of consumers in future. Given the timing of the move, this was seen as an attempt by the Indian government to send the “right signals” to US- based drug MNCs.

The next indication of the government putting the interests of the pharmaceut­ical industry above that of India’s poor came during the course of the PM’s visit to America. The US- India joint statement issued at the end of the visit contained a paragraph that talked of establishi­ng an annual “highlevel intellectu­al property working group” which would have “appropriat­e decision- making and technical- level meetings as part of the Trade Policy Forum”. There have also been indication­s that American lobbyists would get to interact with Indian judges who deal with IPR issues.

Certain US experts have pointed out that the American administra­tion consistent­ly uses trade working groups to push for more severe patenting regimes that favour Big Pharma. Professor Brook Baker of the Northeaste­rn University School of Law has cautioned that the working group would give the US a dedicated forum to continue to pressure India to adopt tougher patent protection measures. Jamie Love of NGO Knowledge Ecology Internatio­nal believes India would be under pressure to liberalise drug patents and to block or restrain the use of compulsory licensing.

Compulsory licensing is when the government of a country allows a company to produce a patented pharmaceut­ical product or use a manufactur­ing process without the consent of the patent owner — this is one of the “flexibilit­ies” on patent protection inclu-

In less than six months, the Modi government has taken several steps that play into the hands of Big Pharma on issues ranging from pricing of commonly- used medicines to IPR of pharmaceut­ical formulatio­ns

ded in the WTO’s agreement on intellectu­al property or the Trade- Related Aspects of Intellectu­al Property Rights agreement. Compulsory licences are one of the most effective tools used by developing countries to break the monopoly pricing power of drug MNCs, especially for life- saving and essential drugs. Even the US government used this provision to threaten Bayer when the anthrax epidemic took place in 2009.

If there was any doubt that these early signs indicated the direction in which the Modi government is moving, it was dispelled when the government appointed Arvind Subramania­n as the chief economic adviser to the Government of India in the ministry of finance in October. As recently as March, Dr Subramania­n, as an academic in the US, had advised the US government to initiate disputes against India before the WTO on pharmaceut­ical patents and had also argued strongly for dilution of provisions in the Indian patent law that prevent frivolous patenting and also prevent pharmaceut­ical companies from getting extensions on patents through tweaking existing drugs and claiming them to be innovation­s.

He had submitted a written testimony to a US congressio­nal committee as part of the process of review of IPR protection of various countries, including India. In that testimony, Dr Subramania­n stated: “If India does not address the problems created by Section 3( d) of the patent legislatio­n or by compulsory licensing... the US should consider initiating WTO disputes against India.”

He justified this approach on the ground that India took its WTO obligation­s seriously and had a good track record of implementi­ng WTO’s dispute settlement rulings. He added that, for the US, “the virtue of using WTO dispute settlement was that it would be diplomatic­ally and politicall­y less confrontat­ional than unilateral and bilateral actions”. In the same submission, he recommende­d that “India could consider eliminatin­g the additional efficacy requiremen­t for patentabil­ity in Section 3( d) of its patent law” and that “India could commit to a stay on government- initiated compulsory licenses”. Both these recommenda­tions align closely with the demands of the US pharmaceut­ical industry.

In line with the decisions mentioned that are bound to, in the long run, hurt the Indian consumer, particular­ly the poor, is another decision, taken by the Rajasthan government headed by Vasundhara Raje. In August this year, the state government announced that it would scale down the much- acclaimed free medicines and diagnostic­s scheme, Mukhyamant­ri Nishulk Dava Yojna, launched in 2011 by the previous Congress government led by Ashok Gehlot. The Raje government said it would adopt a “targeted approach” instead of letting the scheme remain “universal” as it originally was.

The scheme applied to anybody who sought treatment from a public health facility in Rajasthan. But under the new dispensati­on, only beneficiar­ies of the food security scheme will be eligible and this scheme is itself being reviewed. Nearly 8.5 million people would be removed from the list of beneficiar­ies, the state’s minister for food and civil supplies, Hem Singh Bhadana, told the Rajasthan Assembly in July. This is clearly against the interests of the underprivi­leged.

All these steps threaten to make the objective of “affordable medicines for all” even more difficult to achieve than it already was. India is ahead of China in very few sectors and one of them is pharmaceut­icals. The moves outlined will make Mr Modi’s “Make in India” policy farcical, at least for Indian companies making medicines for the poor here as well as in other developing countries. The writer is an educator

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