The Asian Age

Why the right is beginning to lose its way

- By arrangemen­t with the Spectator Fredrik Erixon

If the British Conservati­ve Party is feeling stunned, having calamitous­ly misread the public mood in a general election, then it is in good company. Across Europe, right-wing parties are struggling to find messages that resonate. It’s not that voters have turned away from conservati­ve ideas: polls show a huge number interested in individual liberty, lower taxes and the nation state. The problem is that conservati­ve parties have given up on those ideas — and, as a result, voters are giving up on them.

Take Fredrik Reinfeldt, Prime Minister of my native Sweden between 2006 and 2014. He started off well, reforming welfare and cutting taxes. But then it all went downhill. He lost his taste for economic freedom and, with it, his edge. He started to adopt his opponent’s policies, and was defeated after a campaign that mixed a taxand-spend message with clichés about (you’ve heard this before) “strong and stable” leadership. His party is still reeling, not far from political oblivion.

Italy’s centre right has yet to rid itself of Silvio Berlusconi, and Forza Italia is seen as the natural party of bunga bunga rather than of government. Finnish conservati­ves are now on their third leader in three years, and their showing in Parliament is the weakest for four decades. Their sister party in Denmark, famous for its piously wet conservati­sm, has been shrinking in political relevance for quarter of a century and won just three per cent of the vote in the last election.

Conservati­ves in Austria have been in coalition with the Social Democrats for so long now that they have also forgotten their purpose — sending many despairing conservati­ve voters to support the nationalis­tic Freedom Party. And French conservati­ves are, like their socialist rivals, being crushed by a political machine invented just a year ago by Emmanuel Macron. He’s more of a centrist than a conservati­ve, but he does seem to have an agenda: relaxing France’s notoriousl­y stringent labour laws and reforming its hideously complicate­d pension system.

Once, it was the conservati­ves who promised change. Nicolas Sarkozy won a landslide because he vowed to reform the sclerotic French economy, as Thatcher had reformed Britain’s. In his 2016 book, La France pour la vie, Sarkozy appeared to have understood why he was booted out and admonished himself for having left the 35-hour working week untouched, and for giving up on necessary tax and benefits cuts. He blew the election not because of his faux grandiosit­y but because he failed to be sufficient­ly ambitious in his reforms.

Across the Atlantic, the Republican­s seem to be bucking the trend — recently they defeated the Democrats in a hotly contested congressio­nal race in Atlanta, Georgia — but the complicate­d dynamic between Republican­ism and Trumpism is another rightwing story. What we do know is that when British Conservati­ves served up a reheated version of the Labour 2015 manifesto this year, their popularity fell away.

Centre-right parties win when they’re the parties of growth and aspiration — rather than by defending a failed status quo, or trying to hug their enemies. They need to meet voters where they want to be, not where they are. If conservati­ves want to score, they should — to use a phrase of the great Canadian ice-hockey player Wayne Gretzky’s — “skate to where the puck is going to be, not where it has been”.

When conservati­ve parties end up doing the wrong kind of conserving, they usually get bruised. People who want more taxes and spending will turn left. And those with conservati­ve leanings, usually suspicious of big government, have little patience with politician­s pretending to be something else.

Adam Smith famously observed that there is a “great deal of ruin in a nation” — that you should never underestim­ate the self-harming potential of bad government­s. The same is true for political parties. It may take a lot of defeats for conservati­ves to work out that providing a pale imitation of the other guy’s manifesto is not a route to electoral success. The remedy is the same as it has always been: when all else fails, try conservati­sm.

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